It’s not only your contempt,
In truth, you must have been tempted,
By my respect. 

Its not just your sacrilege,
Who is to say who:

Curated our neglect,
Defaulted on our debt,
Stuffed rugs with the swept?

Your chest for a drum,
Their torso on the lam,
A year, for many years.

No you may not speak.
You spoke at me,
You flickered me,
Off my station.

You pinched and
You bit me,
for a bit,
For a while,
For ’til now.

The hour is upon us,
and us may be subtracted,
But not before we speak.

You must hear
You must listen
To our verbal tics

You must stop
You must crop
Your mount
on the uncounted.

We shall speak
With one eye
On the 15 shadows cast
For the hour for speeches is
No more.

One more,
To be ungagged,
To speak
Something must give.

21 year old Ciham Ali Ahmed hasn’t seen her family in 5 years. She’s been in detention in Eritrea since she was 15 years old.

Born in California, but raised in Eritrea, Ciham is a dual Eritrean and US national. In 2012 – aged just 15 – Ciham was arrested after attempting to cross from Eritrea into Sudan. Anyone caught crossing the border is usually imprisoned for approximately six months. But despite never being charged with any crime, Ciham has remained in detention for more than 5 years.

Ciham is in incommunicado detention– meaning her family hasn’t seen or heard from her in over five years. This is an enforced disappearance.

Outside of Eritrea, few people know about Ciham’s enforced disappearance. Global pressure could help free Ciham and re-unite her with her family.

The US Assistant Secretary of State for Africa, Tibor Nagy, has emphasized the importance of addressing Eritrea’s human rights violations as a necessary change for progress. Your signature could help persuade him to take action.

Please sign this petition, urging Tibor Nagy to urgently inquire and intervene into Ciham Ali Ahmed’s enforced disappearance and to call on the Eritrean government to release her immediately and unconditionally.

Link to sign Amnesty International petition is here:

An Eritrean sends a letter (read by Paris-based Erena Radio broadcasters) on “the intentional, dangerous and evil” plan to empty out Eritrea out of its citizens. This has become specially acute, she writes, since the peace treaty which endangers Eritrean autonomy was signed with Ethiopia.

Excerpt of her message…. and the entire video follows.  

A country for which thousands of lives were paid to liberate is emptying out…

We are at a point of no return, a dangerous time where no future regrets can reverse the outcome…

Oh, please, all my Eritrean brothers: do something!

As our [founding] father Woldeab Woldemariam said, “a country is the people who live in it; not the soil nor rocks; not the mountains nor rivers; not the valleys nor hills…a country means a people.”

Because Isaias [Afwerki] spread the news that the recent opening of borders with Ethiopia is temporary, our people, who have been living the lives of prisoners, even those who had never considered exile, are leaving en masse.

In just over a week, since the opening of he border was announced on September 11, 2018, over one hundred thousand (100,000) Eritreans have migrated to Tigray and the heartland of Ethiopia.

This includes families who have sold their property and locked up their homes; soldiers who have thrown their guns; students from elementary, secondary schools and colleges…it includes the underaged who are taking taxis and buses and moving to Tigray.

The Tigrayan towns of Zelambesa, Adigrat, Mekele are now flooded with Eritreans…Similarly, with all Ethiopian towns on the Asmara-Addis Abeba road.

Underage Eritreans are sleeping in the streets of Mekele…

And our girls are leading lives that are too shameful to describe.

Brothers! These are the worst of times. Within a brief period, Eritrea is transforming into a country without Eritreans.

My Eritrean brothers! We are losing Eritrea forever.

Our Eritrea is going on exile. Our Eritrea moving. Our Eritrea is being settled by outsiders.

Let’s do something, please!

The exile is worse now, since Isaias Afwerki betrayed the martyrs and became a dictator, than it was during the occupation period. Our exile appears permanent.

In contrast, Eritrean towns of Asmara, Massawa, others are now the playground of Ethiopians.

Even during the Derg era, we Eritreans had never been this humiliated and disgraced….. continues:

Ibrahim Sherifo, 30, has not seen or heard from his parents since he was 13 years old when they were “disappeared” in Eritrea.

“The memory still haunts me – that black Tuesday in September 2001 – that day changed my life forever,” he told the BBC Tigrinya service.

“I woke up before the crack of dawn to the sound of pounding boots and shouted commands,” he remembers.

His parents had separated, and he and his siblings were staying at their grandparents’ home with their mother in the capital, Asmara.

“Running out in the yard, I was just in time to see my mother being dragged from the house by soldiers.”

‘Enemies of the government’

Both his mother, Aster Fissehatsion, and his father, Mahmoud Ahmed Sherifo, were then prominent politicians and members of Eritrea’s now defunct parliament.

“Terrified, I ran like the wind to alert my father, who was living several blocks away from us at the time, to alert him of what was happening to mum.

“I did not know that he too had been picked up by security agents a quarter of an hour earlier.”

Since that day neither he, nor anyone else, has seen or heard from his parents.

The government accuses them of treason, but they have never appeared before a court of law – and have been held incommunicado for 17 years.

They were arrested, along with 11 others, for criticising President Isaias Afwerki, who has run a one-party state since Eritrea won independence from Ethiopia in 1993.

Their fate was sealed when their group, known as the G-15, wrote an open letter to the president calling for democratic reforms – and the implementation of a constitution approved by parliament.

At the time, his father was de facto deputy president of the country – and had been one of the top leaders of the EPLF rebel movement during the fight for independence.

After the arrest, the salaries of his parents were stopped and he and his siblings had to rely on the support of relatives.

Even as a 13-year-old, Mr Ibrahim says he was aware of the political situation, although his mother and father never discussed such sensitive issues at home in order to shield the children.

“Before the independent newspapers were closed, I was reading about what my parents and what they and their colleagues were calling for, so I knew what was going on.”

Their bravery still impresses him.

“My mother would have known she would be arrested – what still surprises me is that she never showed anything to suggest that.

“The last time we were together was on the eve of her arrest – we came back to my grandparents’ house, ate dinner and she went to bed early. She always liked to go to bed early.

“I stayed up until late to watch some films. I used to love watching films.”

But life was never the same after that.

“When my parents were arrested, their former friends and colleagues who used to visit us suddenly disappeared. We were stigmatised, we were considered enemies of the government and we were only kids.”

Like all Eritreans, Mr Ibrahim went to do military training and national service during his last year of school.

Many young people get trapped in national service for years with little pay because of the years of hostilities with neighbouring Ethiopia. A two-year border war that began in 1998 led to 20 years of enmity between the two states.

Mr Ibrahim joined the thousands who fled the country in search of better opportunities and in 2010 he was granted asylum in the Netherlands, where he still lives.

‘Salt in my wound’

But the recent thawing in relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia gives him hope about reforms at home, but it also leaves him bitter about his parents’ wasted years.

“I even dare to dream of their release.

“I cannot hide the fact that this new peace agreement with Ethiopia has kind of touched my soul – at the same time it feels as if the government is rubbing salt into my wound.”

Mr Ibrahim was born in a battle zone in 1987 – when Eritrean rebels were fighting for independence.

His early memories were dominated by war – aerial bombardments, being herded in and out of bomb shelters, seeing combatants departing to or returning from the frontline.

Most of all he remembers the camaraderie of the freedom fighters during the struggle.

His father and mother joined the Eritrean Liberation Front in 1967 and 1974, respectively, and became leading figures in the campaign against Ethiopian rule.

He remembers that his father spent decades alongside Mr Isaias in the trenches and caves of the Sahel Mountains.

“How can a revolution devour its own?” he asks.

‘Heroes not traitors’

To this day, President Isaias has not implemented the constitution, no election has ever been held and human rights groups say thousands of political prisoners remain incarcerated.

What Eritrea needs more than anything is peace, says Mr Ibrahim, who is now studying tourism management at university.

But he worries that it may be too late for his parents – there have been rumours that his father is dead.

“I have no choice but to keep hope,” he says, adding that his 88-year-old grandmother is now convinced she will see her daughter again soon.

“My dad is so honest, he spoke his mind. He hates division based on religion.

“My mum is smart and loving – I remember her loving and kind spirit.”

After a long pause, he adds: “I still miss them a lot.”

He regards his parents as heroes not traitors of Eritrea’s independence revolution

“If they had committed treason, why would they confront the president? This is just an excuse to arrest them. It is 100% false,” he says.

===========================================
The original article, please check here

The four franchises that make up the ruling coalition of Ethiopia are having their conference in Hawassa, Ethiopia.

Prior to the umbrella group’s conference, its members had their own organizational congress and some ended up changing their names to reflect their new re-organization as a party and not a front.

The formation of EPRDF, in the late 1980s, owes its rationale to the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front(TPLF) calculus that they could speed up the demise of the Stalinist regime of Mengistu Hailemariam.

The Amhara National Democratic Movement (ANDM) started out as a multi-ethnic group named EPDM, a splinter of Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP), one of the first organizations to wage an armed struggle against the Mengistu Hailemariam (Derg) government. Made up of Afro-revolutionaries, ANDM was reduced to an “Amhara” party when its Oromo and Southern Ethiopians joined their respective franchises.

The Oromo People’s Democratic Organization (OPDO) was set up to counter the influence of the long-established Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) whose “radical” views of future Ethiopia were not aligned with that of the EPLF and TPLF. OPDO, which was partly founded by Ethiopian prisoners of war held by EPLF and TPLF, stopped short of OLF’s “self-determination up to and including secession.”

The South Ethiopian People’s Democratic Movement (SEPDM) was set up to represent the interests of a constellation of small ethnic groups in Southern Ethiopia and some of its founding members were former members of the nationalist EPDM.

These three organizations, along with founding member TPLF, make up the EPRDF and represent four regions of Ethiopia, each dominated by one ethnic group (SEPDM being the exception.)

Four other regions in the peripheries of Ethiopia have no EPRDF franchise: Gambella, Benishangul, Afar and Ethiopian Somali regions.

In the national elections of 2000, 2005, 2010 and 2015, the EPRDF partnered with “allies” from each of the regions to win by landslide elections.

This “franchise” approach to politics allowed each region to become a one-party state and those who found the political space too stifling or non-existent ended up creating armed groups from virtually every region. These include the Tigray People’s Democratic Movement or TPDM for Tigrayans; the Arbegnoch G-7, predominantly for Amhara; the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and its offshoots, for Oromo; the Benishangul-Gumuz People’s Democratic Unity Front for the Benishangul region; the Ogaden National Liberation Front or ONLF (for Ethiopian Somali region); and, the Afar Revolutionary Democratic Unity Front or ARDUF for Afar Region.

After the last meeting of the Central Committee and Executive Committee of the EPRDF in the first quarter of this year, the OPDO emerged triumphant and its newly-installed chairman, Dr. Abiy Ahmed, was elected as the Prime Minister of Ethiopia.

Dr. Ahmed has revolutionized politics in Ethiopia, vastly expanding political space by de-criminalizing dissent: de-listing “terrorist” organizations; freeing political prisoners and journalists, and conducting outreach to exiled activists and armed political groups.

He has been exceedingly successful in this effort.

The next move, according to the spokesperson for Dr. Abiy Ahmed,  appears to be to de-ethnicize politics: emphasize the regional nature of Ethiopia’s federalism instead of the “ethnic federalism” which it devolved to by default of having one ethnic group dominating a region.

“A Federal form of government is a preferred option in Ethiopia as long as we don’t confuse regional arrangements with ethnic identity. Each regional administrative unit should serve all citizens with respect and without discrimination.” PM Abiy Ahmed #EPRDFcongress #Ethiopia pic.twitter.com/K3PnM4Slcn

— Fitsum Arega (@fitsumaregaa) October 3, 2018

There is also the issue of the political ideology of the umbrella group. Prior to the emergence of Abiy Ahmed, the EPRDF espoused “revolutionary democracy” which is supposed to be a fit for nations that undergo disruptive revolutions with the State having a heavy hand in the direction of the State’s economy. In a sense, revolutionary democracy is euphemistic for “developmental state” but most developmental states de-emphasize democracy and focus on rapid development, a “luxury” pluralistic Ethiopia does not have. 

Post Dr.Abiy, it appears the two largest members of the coalition, OPDO (now renamed Oromo Democratic Party or ODP) and ANDM (now renamed Amhara Democratic Party ) appear ready to ditch “revolutionary democracy” for liberal democracy. The other two, TPLF and SEPDM appear to be loyal to the “revolutionary democracy” ideal, as well as their legacy names, and they are the ones who have transformed their party the least.

In their respective conferences, the four franchises conducted elections and named their central committees, who will elect their executive committees. Consequently, many veterans–particularly in the Oromo and Amhara franchises–have been unceremoniously booted out, euphemistically known as “asked to resign with honor.” These include long-serving members like Bereket Simon, Tadesse Kassa (Tinkishu), Kassa Teklebirhan, Hilawe Yoseph, etc. The SEPDM changes include new faces even at the chairman level. In contrast, the TPLF appears to have undergone the least amount of change with its leadership, although it elevated its defacto chairman to actual chairmanship.

Despite all the changes, two demographic groups appear to be largely underrepresented in the leadership of EPRDF.

“It is alarming that EPRDF, a party which considers itself progressive,  has way below average representation of women and Muslim’s in its governing body,” writes an Ethiopian analyst reached via social media messaging, “That is for all coalition members. For instance, ODP, formerly known as OPDO, represents the largest region in the country with the largest number of Muslims. 50% of the region’s population. Yet, in its central committee, it has less than 15 Muslims. The same thing when it comes to women: there are only 7 women in its central committee of 55.”

Although the case of ODP is glaring, given its chairman’s vocal support for empowering women, the case of the other members of the franchise is no better:

1. ANDM (ADP) Central Committee Members: 55. Female members: 11 (20%)
2. OPDO (ODP) Central Committee Members: 55. Female members 7 (13%)
3. SEPDM Central Committee Members: 65. Female members: 10 (15%)
4. TPLF Central Committee Members: 55. Female Members: 13 (24%) 

The representation of Muslim Ethiopians in the EPRDF leadership is even more abysmal.

The EPRDF strategy appears to be to leverage its franchise politics but to open up the electoral process to spare Ethiopia the embarrassment of having a ruling party returning to power with 100% vote count.

In addition to ideological positioning, the EPRDF has now given its competition a weakness to exploit: it under-represents women and Muslims in its ranks.   A political party that can enfranchise those who feel left out by its rigidly ethnicist ideology as well as its inability to attract and promote under-represented demographics has a fighting chance of overturning the ruling party’s 27 year chokehold on Ethiopian politics.

The next national elections are slated for 2020.

Q41: Abraham from Mekele: I am very curious about tall, handsome Abraham the son of Isaias Afwerki. I haven’t seen him since he represented his country to Saudi Arabia. Is he frozen already?

Dr Newitol: Abraham Isaias Afwerki? What happened to His Excellency that you mntl his name? He is visiting Mekele accompanied by General Mekele and other security officers to have a game of tourism (hunting games) in the land of Game Over. He may stop by to visit that whiny Dr Solomon Ouqbay who was complaining about his dad not visiting him, although he is his first cousin, and went all the way to Hawassa to get a coat. Repeat after me: Abraham is an army veteran: where were you when he was serving the country?  In Mekele? I don’t care you were there because you are Tigrayan: the point is, he served and you didn’t.  

Q42: Mogos from Kishaville asks: Dr. Newitol, I am very worried about my cousin Hagos Kisha. Every time Isaias Afwerki “reboots” he boots out the loyalists. Is my cuz going to be okay?

Dr. Newitol: It depends: was he smart enough to set up his personal 401k plan? Then that’s bad news because, well, it is bad news either way. Isaias Afwerki has upped his game and traded up and now has foreign advisors to help with (1) Finance and Economy; (2) International Relations; (3) Investment and trade; (4) Ports and Infrastructure. If you are his cousin and you are inquiring about him, you are re-enforcing the rumor-mill that he is sub-nationalist so if you love him, stop inquiring about him.  It is anti-revolutionary to show concern for family members.  

Q43: Curious from Georgia asks: Dr. Newitol, what can you tell us about Yemane and Osman’s visit to the United States? Usually after UN visits they hold a super special meeting with Eritrean loyalists of PFDJ. What happened?

Dr. Newitol: Yemane Gebreab left Osman Saleh in his hotel room and held a meeting with Eritrean PFDJ cadres. Due to the many enemies who still haven’t gotten the Game Over message, Yemane insisted on “no-smart-phones no recording-device” policy. The PFDJ loyalists/cadres, who still haven’t gotten the message that they have been dumped, asked a lot of questions that the opposition asks and he was not able to answer them but he smiled sheepishly and complained that “damn, the whole country is now the opposition.”

Q44: Arbegna-Neber from Addis: I recently came back for good from Norway and where I came from, nobody, regardless how popular they are, gets 99% vote. But here we are, at the EPRDF congress, and Dr. Abiy Ahmed got 99% of the vote. How is this possible?

Dr. Newitol: This African miracle is performed by choosing your electors. Prior to the EPRDF meeting, every member organization had a congress where they booted out anybody who doesn’t appear to enjoy a tall cool drink of Meddemer. Every member organization except TPLF. So, the other three organizations had electors who support Dr. Abiy. TPLF has no members who support Dr. Abiy but they knew he would win and they voted for him so they don’t appear like spoilers. Also, of the 180 votes, 3 didn’t show up because they hadn’t set their alarm clock and missed their plane. Or bus. Or whatever. So he got only 176/177 votes. There is a national hunt to determine who the one dissenter is.

Q45: Gudus from Asmara: Dr. Newitol, I know we have water shortage in Asmara but I didn’t know it was so severe that the Cabinet of Ministers would cut its meeting from two days to 4 hours. What do you think happened?

Dr. Newitol: Cabinet of What?

Q46: Mensour from Jeddah: I am pleased that my adopted country and my home country have an excellent relationship. Maybe now the Saudis could give us work permits and school permits for our children. How is the relationship going?

Dr. Newitol: It is going very good! Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman calls Isaias Afwerki every day and tells him to jump and he says how high? It is an exemplary relationship. There is also the Italian PM visiting Ethiopia and maybe Eritrea next week: maybe he will give them instructions as well: they are in very foreigners- receptive mood now.  

Q47: Taddesse from Metema: Never mind about Mensour and his Arabs! How is the Eritrea-Ethiopia relationship going?

Dr. Newitol: The Isaias Afwerki-Abiy Ahmed relationship is going well, but the Ethiopia-Eritrea relationship, at the State level, is not going well, because there is no State of Eritrea, just State of Isaias Afwerki. The Ethiopian ministries have no Eritrean counterparts to work with because there are no institutions. For example, the Ethiopian Investment and Trade people came with their instructions and they were told by Eritrea’s Minister of Investment & Trade, Woldai Futur, that he has no idea what they are talking about and they should convene in two weeks when he has more information. Two weeks later, when they came to visit, they found that his office was now their embassy. They said hi to Ethiopian embassy officials and went back home.  Also, congratulations are in order to Game Over’s Dr. Debretsion: after Isaias Afwerki gave the Eritrean portfolio to Dr. Abiy Ahmed (“I mean it!”), Dr. Abiy Ahmed has passed the portfolio to Dr. Debretsion at the EPRDF conference in Hawassa.  Now, all Dr. Deb has to do is find another doctor to pass it on.  Its like Eritrea is a patient.

Q48: Gudus From Asmara: It is me again, Dr. Newitol! You contradict yourself so there IS a cabinet of ministers. So why was the meeting so short?

Dr. Newitol: How long does it take to say, “I went to Addis, as you saw on TV. Do what your Ethiopian counterparts tell you to do. For the rest of information, wait for my upcoming interviews. Victory to the masses!”? The real question is what did they do for the rest of the 3 hours and half.  They probably listened to revolutionary songs about how fearless and bold they once were.  

Q49: Facebook Engineer from Menlo Park: Dr. Newitol, I see a lot of the Eritrean Facebook users have changed their profile pics to a butterfly. Is this butterfly season in Eritrea?

Dr. Newitol: Eritreans have a tendency to point out the mistakes of every people in the world without devoting a second to their failings. The butterfly is then a perfect avatar as it spreads its wings to cover a large area leaving its ass exposed.

Q50: Mahmud from Seattle: When are Eritrean prisoners going to be released?

Q51: After Ethiopian prisoners from Eritrean prisons are released. Good news: the first one, Colonel Taddesse Muluneh got released after 8 years of disappearance but the Ethiopian media is too busy reporting on family reunifications and song covers to pay attention. Only “anti-peace” people ask tough questions about why he disappeared and why he is on wheelchairs.  Accountability is anti-peace.   After all, he was in jail for only 8 years, which is called “the introductory period” in Eritrean prisons. Besides, sometimes, if you spend years in the “Eritrean field” and you come back to normality, you can’t even tell reality from hallucination as Dawud Ibsa demonstrates:

Daud Ibsa, the chairperson of Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) – an opposition organization returned home from #Eritrea – refutes the narrative about his organization agreement on disarming of his organization Army. #Ethiopia – Via Walta TV pic.twitter.com/5de00R3RLS

— Addis Zeybe – አዲስ ዘይቤ (@AddisZeybe) October 6, 2018

The following is compiled from a string of posts tweeted by Wulad9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel), a prolific writer using the Twitter platform.  It provides cursory information (each of which can be expanded into an essay) on how President Isaias Afwerki came to be the undisputed tyrant of Eritrea, whose powers are so unchecked he feels no qualms about grooming his son for an executive position despite the fact that he is transparently unqualified.  How did the Eritrean revolution, known for producing fearless grenade-jumpers get reduced to its current sad state where soldiers at every level–from the rank and file to the general–watch paralyzed as their country’s sovereignty is negotiated without their knowledge, much less input?   The following gives a clue.  A good companion piece for this is to read awate.com’s “Chronology of the Reform Movement” (the rise and fall of the G-15) and Dan Connell’s “Conversation With Eritrean Political Prisoners.”

There’s a consistent question that I keep being asked to address. How did Isaias Afewerki consolidate absolute control within #EPLF prior to #Eritrea|n liberation?

Specifically, how did he overcome much more powerful personalities?

Will concentrate on one event & its culmination

(A) The 1986 “Three Privileges” Campaign:

1. 1978 – 85 was the most daunting period for the #Eritrea|n liberation movements. Having not only survived Derg’s massive 8 onslaughts to decimate them, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Army (#EPLA) showed capabilities no one thought possible.

“3 Priveleges Campaign” of 1986.

1978 – 85 was the most daunting period for the #Eritrea|n liberation movements. Having not only survived Dergs massive 8 onslaughts to decimate them, the #EPLA showed capabilities no one thought possible.

Legendary reputations were forged. pic.twitter.com/2wHhHVp9ll

— Wulad 9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel) July 11, 2018

2. This was a time where Isias Afewerki noticed his power diminishing. #EPLA commanders not only had full admiration & belief of the rank & file, but also the populace as they’d protected them throughout the invasions.

3. Demise of the Eritrean Liberation Front (#ELF) with it, left them in full control of #Eritrea.

4. Isaias applied the 2nd thing he learned in China. Creation & management of a secret #Eritrea|n Party, Eritrean People’s Revolutionary Party (EPRP) was first in 70s.

5. Now came indirectly sidelining & eliminating opponents.

6. The was the exact thing Mao (his hero) did when relegated after failure of great leap forward, “cultural revolution”.

Isias applied the 2nd thing he learned in China. Creation & mngmt of an #Eritrea|n Party (EPRP) was first in 70s.

Now came indirectly sidelining & eliminating opponents.

Exact thing Mao (his hero) did when relegated after failiure of great leap forward, “cultural revolution”. pic.twitter.com/wqRQIz4qXW

— Wulad 9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel) July 11, 2018

7. Without the knowledge of any of the other #Eritrea|n leaders, Isaias would go on a months-long campaign throughout the liberated zones & run seminars on the “3 privileges” with the rank & file.

8. Those being “womanizing, drinking & material advantages.”

Without the knowledge of any of the other #Eritrea|n leaders, Isias would go on a months long campaign throughout the liberated zones & run seminars on the “3 priveleges” with the rank & file.

Those being womanizing, drinking & material advantages. pic.twitter.com/9YmzChO6tN

— Wulad 9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel) July 11, 2018

9. Isaias would display his true mastery of language (Arabic in China btw) & understanding the value of reputation amongst #Eritrea|ns

10. To conservative peasants being taught Marxist/egalitarian values while living in hellish Spartan conditions, what he told them bordered on infamy.

Isias would display his true mastery of language (Arabic in China btw) & understanding the value of reputation amongst #Eritrea|ns

To conservative peasants being taught Marxist/egalitarian values while living in hellish Spartan conditions, what he told them bordered on infamy. pic.twitter.com/ZEGPO7h2Ep

— Wulad 9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel) July 11, 2018

11. Without naming names specifically, Isaias discussed in depth about the different lives of the fighters & the #Eritrea|n leadership.

12. He spoke of opulence that needs to extinguished.

13. Thousands of fighters & mid level rank were left with the impression he’s the only “honest” one.

Without naming names specifically, Isias discussed in depth about the different lives of the fighters & the #Eritrea|n leadership.

He spoke of opulence that needs to extinguished.

Thousands of fighters & mid level rank were left with the impression he’s the only “honest” one. pic.twitter.com/xc0ZeogKqO

— Wulad 9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel) July 11, 2018

14. This “moral crusade” by Isias would culminate in the mysterious death of his biggest & most powerful foe: Ibrahim Afa.

15. It would be followed by dilution of Central Committee (CC) & Executive Committee (EC) of EPLF & EPRP by bringing in his own “yes men”. Same men running wild in #Eritrea now.

16. It also set precedent.

This “moral crusade” by Isias would culminate in the mysterious death of his biggest & most powerful foe: Ibrahim Afa.

It would be followed by dilution of CC & EC of EPLF & EPRP by bringing in his own “yes men”. Same men running wild in #Eritrea now.

It also set precedent. pic.twitter.com/zvGFz05pgp

— Wulad 9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel) July 11, 2018

17. It set the stage for reducing the powers of Ogbe Abraha, Mesfin Hagos, Petros Solomon, Ali Said Abdela, Sebhat Efrem etc

18. After #Eritrea|n independence, repeated in 1994 when creating PFDJ, economic purge in 90s for “corruption”.

19. But especially in 2001 for “treason” of G15.

It set the stage for reducing the powers of Ogbe Abraha, Mesfin Hagos, Petros Solomon, Ali Said Abdela, Sebhat Efrem etc

After #Eritrea|n independence, repeated in 1994 when creating PFDJ, economic purge in 90s for “corruption”.

But especially in 2001 for “treason” of G15. pic.twitter.com/uskiiLrQwS

— Wulad 9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel) July 11, 2018

(B) The May 20 1993 Rebellion

1. What started as demands for consultations being ignored for 2 yrs – pay, purpose – regarding #EPLA, quickly ramps up when novice units (who joined #Eritrea|n struggle after ’89) take over Asmara Airport & Banks.

2. Escalates when veteran Commando & Mechanized Units join.

3. A humiliated Isaias is marched for 3 km to the stadium to face off with the #Eritrea|n military, where he was berated in front of thousands.

4. One would even quip to his face: “Menn mera’t geyrikin tkwhala?!”. Meaning “who made you the bride that you consider this YOUR occasion?!”

A humiliated Isias is marched for 3 km to the stadium to face off with the #Eritrea|n military, where he was berated in front of thousands.

One would even quip to his face: “Menn mera’t geyrikin tkwhala?!”. Meaning “who made you the bride that you consider this YOUR occasion?!” pic.twitter.com/k2RlocyJ0h

— Wulad 9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel) June 14, 2018

5. Isaias folds & tells them “You are right! Pay will be coming soon & you won’t stand idle anymore.”

6. Within 3 month’s, Isaias would remobilize security services, arrest over 70 of the most powerful #Eritrea|n commanders (some not involved) & charge them for up to 15 yrs in a Secret Court.

Isias folds & tells them u are right! Pay wil be coming soon & u wont stand idle anymore.

Within 3 month’s, Isias would remobilize security services, arrest over 70 of the most powerful #Eritrea|n commanders (some not involved) & charge them for upto 15 yrs in a Secret Court. pic.twitter.com/HdVa92aK5n

— Wulad 9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel) June 14, 2018

7. Over the next few years, remainder of the influential commanders would be kept busy in wars in Sudan & the unnecessary ones with Yemen & Djibouti.

8. Some of our best #Eritrea|n units would even be sent to Rwanda where they fought their way to Kinshasa, Congo to take down Mobutu.

9. This is the first of 3 purges before the literal hijacking of #Eritrea that took place in 2001.

10. The others are to do with the Economic and Political pillars which I will add on as well.

11. Between 1991 – 95, #Eritrea had 4 Defence Ministers: Ali Said Abdella, Petros Solomon, Mesfin Hagos & Sebhat Efrem respectively.

12. Each resisting the haphazard manner in which matters of Military & National Security were managed by President Isaias.

Coup from the Top contd..

Between 1991 – 95, #Eritrea had 4 Defence Ministers.

Ali Said Abdella, Petros Solomon, Mesfin Hagos & Sebhat Efrem respectively.

Each resisting the haphazard manner in which matters of Military & National Security were managed by President Isias. pic.twitter.com/rlH4iNLQn3

— Wulad 9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel) June 29, 2018

13. With severe resistance to removing Mesfin Hagos – war time hero & most respected by all rank & file – Isaias would promote 37 Major & Brigadier Generals to dilute resistance & foster infighting.

14. Also promoted Sebhat Efrem as #Eritrea|s first full General; leaping his superiors.

With severe resistance to removing Mesfin Hagos – war time hero & most respected by all rank & file – Isias would promote 37 Major & Brigadier Generals to dilute resistance & foster infighting.

Also promoted Sebhat Efrem as #Eritrea|s first full General; leaping his superiors. pic.twitter.com/5QmzFDFcJz

— Wulad 9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel) June 29, 2018

15. Was paralleled by repeated military restructuring which weakened it.

16. Plus foreign forays even #Eritrea|s Foreign Ministers were informed of – after the fact – from Intl. News (Sudan 94, Hanish 96).

17. With the most capable military & intelligence relegated, border war came next.

Was paralleled by repeated military restructuring which weakened it.

Plus foreign forays even #Eritrea|s Foreign Ministers were informed of – after the fact – from Intl. News (Sudan 94, Hanish 96).

With the most capable military & intelligence relegated, border war came next. pic.twitter.com/6nCJLQjePu

— Wulad 9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel) June 29, 2018

18. Handling of the #Eritrea|n & #Ethiopia|n border war would bring these contradictions to the fore. In fact, Isaias’s meddling got worse.

19. Exemplified by firing Gen. Ogbe Abraha in midst of war; refusing to let Petros & Hagos participate; ordering Assab abandoned, & losing the West.

Handling of the #Eritrea|n & #Ethiopia|n border war would bring these contradictions to the fore. In fact, Isias’s meddling got worse.

Exemplified by firing Gen. Ogbe Abraha in midst of war; refusing to let Petros & Hagos participate; ordering Assab abandoned, & losing the West. pic.twitter.com/zeEa8zzRoV

— Wulad 9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel) June 29, 2018

20. All of these men, along with many others would be labeled “defeatists” to cover PIAs failures; & risk he put #Eritrea in; & purged.

21. Along with all reporters arrested that started to expose this.

22. In 2001, Isias would instate anathema to EPLFs core identity, the 5 zones (military commands) of ELF

(C) The February 1994 PFDJ Congress

1.1994, EPLF at its last congress votes to disband & create a Mass Front – PFDJ – to set stage for a democratic #Eritrea.

2. Isaias Afwerki uses opportunity to purge almost ALL senior, collective leadership of EPLF under guise of needing “new blood”.

3. Most were younger.

The Silent Coup:

1994, EPLF at its last congress votes to disband & create a Mass Front – PFDJ – to set stage for a democratic #Eritrea.

Isias uses opportunity to purge almost ALL senior, collective leadership of EPLF under guise of needing “new blood”.

Most were younger. pic.twitter.com/KjT5lPDS9H

— Wulad 9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel) August 28, 2018

4. Starting 1992, Isias had started to reconfigure #Eritrea|n Armed Forces. Unable to relegate/push out its most powerful members (E.g Mesfin Hagos), he instead completely diluted its hierarchy by promoting 37 Maj/Brig Generals.

5. Even promoting Sebhat to full General above seniors.

Starting 1992, Isias had started to reconfigure #Eritrea|n Armed Forces. Unable to relegate/push out its most powerful members (E.g Mesfin Hagos), he instead completely diluted its hierarchy by promoting 37 Maj/Brig Generals.

Even promoting Sebhat to full General above seniors. pic.twitter.com/UD11sk97HQ

— Wulad 9 (@DeqiWoldeMikel) August 28, 2018

In a move that combines the continental politics of the African Union (AU) and the chummy good ol’ boy networking of the United Nations, the State of Eritrea, a serial violator of human rights, was elected to join the UN’s Human Rights Council for the 2019-22 term.

First, a refresher.

The United Nation’s Human Rights Council (HRC) is composed of 47 UN member states which are elected directly and via secret ballot by a majority of the 197-member UN General Assembly.

The term is for 3 years. The maximum consecutive terms a country may sit at HRC is two (i.e. total of six years), after which, it must sit-out at least one term before it is eligible to sit for candidacy.

HRC also has geographical quota system, which is as follows:

Africa Group: 13 seats
Asia Group: 13 seats
Eastern Europe Group: 6 seats
Latin America & Caribbean Group: 8 seats
Western Europe and “Other” States: 7 seats.

(“Other” are countries not in Western Europe but might as well be: Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Israel and, until its recent withdrawal, USA.)

The three-year terms are on rotating basis so that, every year, roughly a third of the 47 members’ terms come up.  Thus, this year, 18 countries are either joining or extending their term for another 3 years.  

The Africa Group

In 2018, the countries which make up the Africa Group of the Human Rights Council, and the year their terms end, are as follows:

Burundi:  2018
Côte d’Ivoire:  2018
Ethiopia:  2018
Kenya:  2018
Togo:  2018

Egypt:  2019
Rwanda:  2019
South Africa:  2019
Tunisia: 2019

Angola:  2020
Democratic Republic of the Congo: 2020
Nigeria: 2020
Senegal: 2020

That is, five of the thirteen seats are up for elections. They can either be replaced by another African country or, if eligible and are appointed/elected again, hold the seat for another three years. From the 5 African countries whose term is expiring, three countries are not eligible since they have held the post for the maximum two terms (6 years.) They are: Côte d’Ivoire, Ethiopia and Kenya. The remaining two are eligible for renewal of term: Burundi and Togo.

The Africa Group (just like the rest of the HRC groups) decided this year to nominate only one candidate for each vacancy. That is to say, for the five seats allocated to Africa, the General Assembly were given only five candidates to vote on. It was a closed slate. Of the two that were eligible to return, Togo returned and Burundi either didn’t want to run again or was asked not to.

This leaves us with four seats.

Of the four vacant seats, two are from Francophone (West) Africa and two from East Africa. And, per the continental politics of the African Union (recall the last time the AU had to elect its chairman), they had to be replaced by two East African countries and two West African countries. (Next year when the terms of Egypt, Tunisia, South Africa come up, it will be North-South replacement.)

Focusing on East Africa:

Ethiopia: disqualified, because it served two terms
Kenya: disqualified, because it served two terms
Djibouti: eligible (last elected 2009-12)
Eritrea: eligible (never elected)
Somalia: eligible (never elected)
Uganda: eligible (last elected 2010-13)
Tanzania: eligible (never elected)
Sudan: eligible (never elected)
South Sudan: eligible (never elected)
Rwanda: serving (2016-2019)
Burundi: just served (2015-2018)
Mauritius: eligible (last elected 2009-12)

The Africa Group presented the UN General Assembly a slate of  two West African countries (Burkino Faso and Cameroon), and two East African countries (Eritrea and Somalia.) Togo continues to hold its seat.  That is: 5 candidates for 5 slots and all 5 were voted in by a majority of the UNGA. In essence, Eritrea was not chosen by the UN; it was chosen by the AU; and the AU had limited choices from the East Africa Group.  So, in many ways, Eritrea’s election to the Human Rights Council is the result of the process of elimination, continental politics and the forces of “engagement” who actually think they can modify the behavior of a tyrant of coddling him.  

The Farce

While many of the countries who sit (and have sat) on the Human Rights Council have no business being there, the case of Eritrea is particularly egregious.

According to the UN’s own criteria for who should be elected to the HRC, “members elected to the Council shall uphold the highest standards in the promotion and protection of human rights, shall fully cooperate with the Council and be reviewed under the universal periodic review mechanism during their term of membership.”

The Government of Eritrea is notorious for its total disregard to human rights (abducting and disappearing even minors) and it has repeatedly failed to cooperate with UN instruments such as the Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights as well as the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Eritrea.

Ironically, the Human Rights Council was supposed to be an improvement over the institution it replaced in 2006, the Human Rights Commission. But the elevation of Eritrea to the UN’s highest body on human rights makes a mockery of the mission of HRC and continues to erode its moral authority.

It may feel longer but Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has been Ethiopia’s head of government for only six months.

And six months into his premiereship, he had hundreds of soldiers, armed, heading to his office, with a list of demands.

Here’s how his government dealt with it and, because this is a website that focuses on Eritrea, we will contrast it with how the Eritrean president dealt with his first mutiny. And his second. And his third.

The Ethiopian Mutiny

Some may think that “mutiny” is an overstatement here, but that’s only because some don’t live in Addis Abeba. For those who live there, apparently it caused a lot of panic, not least because Ethiopia hosts a lot of international institutions. People left their offices early, closed shop, picked up their children from schools, and the internet was shut down. So, for a brief period of time, it looked like PM Abiy was going to celebrate his six month anniversary in prison.

What happened to diffuse it is interesting and unique to our times.

Well, first of all, 250 armed men marching in unison are terrifying, even if they are wearing raspberry berets.

Lucky for Abiy Ahmed, he didn’t have to meet them: that’s why heads of governments have deputies. His deputy, Demeke Mekonnen (who asked to resign from his party but was rejected when his party was forcing others to resign and accepting their resignation with regret) was the one sent/volunteered to talk sense to the kids: if you disarm, I will give you the most important thing to your generation: selfies!

Update :- After they are done with their demonstration members of #Ethiopia|n defense forces took selfie with Deputy Prime Minister Demeke Mekonnen.. pic.twitter.com/Yr7BmZP8P0

— Naty Berhane Yifru (@Natberh) October 10, 2018

Then it was time for the Dr. Medemmer Show. They were, no doubt, expecting heartfelt language of love, forgiveness and empathy but that’s so summer 2018. Instead, they were asked to drop and give him twenty. Push-ups. Or whatever the British called it in BBC.

This was followed by meetings where the government listened with heightened urgency to the soldiers grievances (pays, benefits); the soldiers apologized to the people and the country for pursuing the right things the wrong way; then, when things settled just a bit, the ringleaders and facilitators were rounded up.

To help you get the courage to go against the grain and demand that the “ringleaders” be given not just due process but a media outlet to tell their side of the story, we will tell you the Eritrean story.  And also, on behalf of personal fitness trainers all over the world: that is the wrong way to do push-ups.

Eritrea’s Mutinies: Maybe the fourth time is the Charm?

May 20, 1993: Eritrean soldiers protest about wage and living conditions:

Almost two years after Eritrea’s independence, a month after Eritrea’s referendum for independence and just 4 days shy of its formal declaration of independence, Eritrean soldiers shut down Asmara, including its airport, to demand a reversal of the government’s recent policy to extend the policy of no-pay for combatants for an additional two years. In a meeting with Isaias Afwerki at a football stadium where he was marched, combatants (now soldiers) criticize the emerging ruling class (military officers) and their boozing and prostituting lifestyles and demand they be given a salary. Once President Isaias Afwerki realized the criticism was not directed at him but his colleagues, he agreed to their demands but chastises them for pursuing the right things the wrong way. They would be getting a salary, but that all their subsidies would now be taken away: housing, healthcare, food. Subsequently, hundreds of the “ringleaders” are arrested, many of whom would be given “presidential pardon” years later.

Most Eritreans had no knowledge of this and those who did dismissed it as the grievances of spoilt brats ruining our celebration.  When they later learned that Isaias Afwerki had said, “what, do they expect us to slaughter sheep for them every Thursday”, people just shook their head at his quick-wittedness.  What a swell guy Eritrea is blessed to have.  

July 11, 1994: Eritrean disabled war veterans in Mai Habar protest their overcrowded living quarters and their inadequate care

After months of fruitless negotiations, the disabled war veterans housed at Mai Habar decide to go to Asmara (31 kilometers west) to appeal their case to government officials. They decide that those who can’t walk will take trucks and those who can use wheelchairs or walk, will walk the distance. They are blocked and after a day-long stand-off, shots are exchanged. The road from Nefasit to Asmara (and thus Ethiopian trucks en route from Massawa port to Tigray via Asmara) are also blocked. Several disabled veterans are shot dead and the living are not allowed to take their dead with them. The next day, the ring leaders are arrested and those who signed a “regret letter” are released a year and half-later.

Most Eritreans had absolutely no clue that this happened because it would have been impossible to believe that EPLF combatants would shoot at their own comrades, and those who paid with their limbs to make Eritrea an independent country.  Even now, it is impossible for many to believe it.  This handicapped war veteran now lives in an Ethiopian refugee camp, probably worried of what deals Abiy Ahmed is striking with Isaias Afwerki and that one of them not be his forceful return to a country he gave his limb for.    

January 21, 2013: Members of Eritrean armed forces take over the Eritrean Ministry of Information base at Forto hills in Asmara to demand constitutionalism, rule of law, release of prisoners.

Early in the morning of January 21, dissident soldiers led by Colonel Seid Ali Hijay (“Wedi Ali”) take over the TV station at “Forto”, the Ministry of Information, and demand that their call for constitutionalism and release of political prisoners be read on the air. The transmission is cut off. “Negotiators” are sent who appeal “in the name of our martyrs” (a disarming invocation) and in the shootout there are unknown number of either wounded or fatalities (still not clear 5 years later.) The Eritrean government had nothing to say about the “incidents of January 21” for almost a month (it loved the drama) and then interviewed President Isaias Afwerki to explain it all. He said that a handful of people with unclear goals had confused some gullible people and that he and his ministers were all sitting around and watching them to see how their mistake would lead to other mistakes but it was an insignificant incident.

This “insignificant” incident would lead to the arrest of some of the biggest names in the ruling party and the government including: Abdella Jaber (member of the ruling party’s Executive Committee); Ahmed Haj Ali (Minister of Energy and Mines), Mustafa Nurhussen (Regional Administrator); Suleiman Haji (Mayor of Mendefera), Jaber Der’e, and Major General Omar Tewil (who died in prison.)  PM Abiy Ahmed may say “drop and give me 20” but Isaias Afwerki says, “drop and enjoy your solitary confinement” and, disturbingly, Abiy Ahmed looks at Isaias affectionately.

Unlike the previous mutinies, thanks to globalization and the Internet, we all knew about the Forto “incident” in real time.  But by then, when we had taken a little tadpole and converted him, with our adulation, into a fire-breathing dragon, it was too late to fight Isaias Afwerki with our pinpricks.

Lessons for Ethiopians

1. Narrative: Whoever controls the narrative controls the reality. If you notice in all the mutinies of Eritrea, or the student demonstrations of last year,  the only narrator is President Isaias Afwerki. Nobody else has a voice.  The disabled Mai Habar veteran telling the story? He is doing it in exile, in Ethiopia, more than twenty years later. So, Ethiopians: be sure to hear the story of what happened from multiple sources including military officers and rank and file who do NOT regret their decision (or were given a script to read.)

2. Don’t “No Big Deal” It: It is a big deal when armed men want to bring about change because they feel the current system is not working for them. Even if the men wear raspberry berets. Learn from our mistake: the May 20, 1993 uprising was literally bookended between sports coverage. Italian soccer games at that.

As an aside, Dear Seare Mekonnen: what is the point of camouflages if you wear raspberry berets?

3. Journalists: Do Your Jobs: If you chose journalism as a profession, it is presumably because you feel there is a critical role for journalists in a democracy. Do not allow yourself to be spoon fed news by the government. News produced by governments is always propaganda. They can’t help it. Dig deeper. You are not being unpatriotic, you are not creating disharmony if you dig for the truth. Don’t believe the promise of a government which tells you that it will disclose more information in due time. Governments say that to stall, and assured in the knowledge that people have short memories. If you watch all the videos linked above, President Isaias Afwerki always says that more information will be disclosed in “due time” and it never is.

If you watch the video even more closely you will notice the change in tone from that of 1993 (when President Isaias Afwerki appeared to actually care) to 2013 (when he was dismissive about his former colleagues raining heaps of insults on them.) Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely.  If arrogance could be bottled, Isaias Afwerki would be the world’s richest man.  Don’t let Abiy become Isaias.  

From September 15 to 17, a conflict, right outside of Addis Ababa, in a small town of Burayu shocked the city and the country. 50 people were killed, many more were injured. Almost all, who lost their lives were injured are citizens, young people, who came to Addis across 450 Kilometers from the Southern Ethiopian city of Arba Minch and it’s environs lured by the life of “glamour” of big city. Yet, they ended up doing menial jobs to make ends meet and live away from the city that lured them, because they couldn’t afford it.

450 kilometers away in Arba Minch, when their devastating loss is heard, those who know them best, their families, friends and youth of Gamo, Gofa, Dorze and other community, which they came from were fuming. They wanted to take a revenge. They came out with their swords and machetes to the street of Arba Minch to get back at the Oromo community, who they believed was responsible to attack their men and women in Burayu. Their target of revenge was destroying Oromo-owned businesses and taking some Oromo lives.

What happened after that is what made me brought here to opine. The Gamo elders and intellectuals, reverted to their old culture to avert this disaster. They gathered on the main square holding grass in their hands, got down on their knees and pleaded to the angry youth to stop doing what they intend to do. They youth listened. With that, so many lives were saved and no property was damaged.

This is what humanity decency and amazing societal value means. Gamo elders preventing angry youth from attacking #Oromo owned businesses in the city of #Arbaminch Guess what?! The youth listened. #Ethiopia @girma_mohammed @mahlet_mesfin @Abelpoly @AtnafB pic.twitter.com/i6BUnZXTHm

— Naty Berhane Yifru (@Natberh) September 17, 2018

Forwarding to October 14, 2018, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed took Eritrean President Isayas Afeworki to Arba Minch, on their way to inaugurate a sugar factory. The purpose of his visit to Arba Minch was to thank the Gamo elders for what they did to avert a bloodshed and control a volatile situation that would have made a horrific scene.

President Isaias was there to hear all of this.

President Isaias Afwerki.

The same man, who arrested, exiled and caused the disappearance of his country’s elder statesmen, who could have negotiated conflicts and settled disputes in his country. He has thrown in jail a 90 year old cleric, who had a lot of wisdom and courage to stand up with him. The old man died in jail.    In 2001, he arrested Eritrean elders when they tried to mediate a conflict Isaias Afwerki was having with his own colleagues, whom he has made to disappear without a trace. 

Yet, there he was, standing and listening to all of this. I wonder what was going through his mind, when he has heard what was said about Gamo elders.

1. Abiy Ahmed Schools Isaias Afwerki

“…[President} Isaias [Afwerki], when visiting Gomu Gofa zone and its comforts…. mango groves, guava fruit…said the area has a lot of resources… but there is one resource he forgot. Lest he repeat it again or forgets…more than its comforts, more than the mangoes, more than the guava fruits, we have supplicating mediators, the models to the world, our pride: our elders. These elders taught us that, today, in Ethiopia, there is religion, magnanimity….”

2. Ethiopian Journalists Elevate Eritrea-Ethiopia relations over Abiy-Isaias Relationship:

“…Countries in Africa, and Eritrea and Ethiopia are no exception, base their foreign policy on personalities. The entire 20-year war and 70,000 dead was largely due to the breakdown in relationship between Isaias Afwerki (“Wedi Afom”) and Meles Zenawi (“Wedi Zenawi”.) We must base our relationship on transparent contracts and not chemistry of leaders….”

3. Ethiopian Activist Jawar tells Eritreans You Are On Your Own: Don’t Expect Us To Rescue You

Why thank him? Because he is not condescending to us.

4. Oh, Sugar Sugar

Meanwhile, Isaias Afwerki, whose favorite hobby used to be to ridicule the double-digit growth economy of Ethiopia when TPLF was in charge of Ethiopia is now (only six months later) very impressed with its economy and its sugar factory. He wants Eritrea to emulate it.

5. And then there was this:

A leader cannot selectively uphold or apply the ideals of freedom. Our PM Abiy should discuss with President Afeworki about the plight of #Eritreans and the absense of freedom and democracy in #Eritrea. @semhabte

— Mekonnen Kassa (@raskassa) October 14, 2018

Thanks, Ethiopia. We appreciate you trying to nudge Eritrea’s stalled reform movement.

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An Ethiopian Reportage: Eritreans Single Right: Right To Smoke Anywhere
The First Honest Eritrean Reportage

The government of Eritrea, which was elected to the Human Rights Council by default and in contradiction to the UN’s minimum requirements for a country to join the HRC, has issued a press released expressing its pleasure and gratitude for being allowed to join this club with no standards.

The government further describes its dismal human rights record as no more than a “challenge” that is routine for all countries. Nonetheless, it claims that is trying to harmonize domestic legislation with international standards it is a signatory to.

We have a conundrum.

On the one hand, many of us Eritreans consider the work of the UN’s Human Rights Council’s Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea, to be the most comprehensive, accurate description of the government of Eritrea in its war on the Eritrean people. Many of us consider its conclusion that the government had committed “systematic, widespread and gross violations of human rights” including torture, rape, murder in order to “establish, consolidate and maintain total control over the Eritrean population” to be credible, based on the consistency of the testimonies provided by Eritreans.  Further,  given the high centralization of power in Eritrea, it was conducted by “Eritrean officials, including at the highest level” and given the very high unlikelihood that these crimes are random and unorganized, they “constitute crimes against humanity.”

On the other hand, the Human Rights Council doesn’t just include barely-countries like Somalia and Eritrea. It includes and included countries like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Afghanistan, Congo, Pakistan, Rwanda, Burundi, Kyrgyzstan, Ethiopia, UAE, etc. These are not countries noted for their sterling human rights record (they are what Freedom House consistently ranks as Not Free)  and their presence has always undermined the moral authority of the Human Rights Council and, by extension, institutions like the Commission of Inquiry as well as the Special Rapporteur.

Thus, whereas HRC (the quasi-legal body), when accepting the report of the Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea “Strongly encourages the African Union to follow up on the report and recommendations of the commission of inquiry on human rights in Eritrea by establishing an investigation, supported by the international community, with a view to examining and bringing to justice those responsible for violations and abuses of human rights identified by the commission of inquiry, including any that may amount to a crime against humanity”, the HRC (the quasi-policital body) has no choice but to accept the recommendation of the same African Union to promote a serial human-rights violator to sit in judgement of the human rights record of other countries.

At this time, it is fair to ask, “hey, weren’t you all gung-ho when the Human Rights Council was condemning the Government of Eritrea? Aren’t you being dismissive of this so-called authority on human rights now that Eritrea has joined it?” The answer is simple: The terrible countries that make up the HRC were absolving the Government of Eritrea even when it was being sanctioned: so they were awful then, and they will remain awful now. But due to the make-up of the HRC, their voices were in the minority. Now, with Eritrea and Somalia and Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, the pendulum may shift a bit towards tyrants. There is no inconsistency: one can say, “I love the NBA” and still say, “Why are the Mavericks still in the NBA?”

So, what can we expect on Eritrea while it sits on the Human Rights Council for the years 2019 through 2021? According to the HRC’s own rules, a Member State will undergo the universal periodic review. The last time the Government of Eritrea was given a list of recommendations, it, like all countries under review, could only give two answers: “accepted” (self-explanatory) or “noted” (which is diplomatic way of saying “hell, no.”) There were 339 recommendations of which Eritrea accepted 156 and noted 183.

Again, a lot of the recommendations are duplicates: saying the same thing using different words. For example, they recommend implementation of the 1997 constitution four different ways. So, in all, there were probably about 100 unique recommendations.

In general, the recommendations that Eritrea accepted deal with cultural and economic rights of Eritreans and, this is important, rights that allow the State to take more rights from citizens. In fact, to the government of Eritrea and its supporters, rights mean “cultural and economic rights” such as school enrollment rates, elimination of disparities in poverty rates, elimination of genital mutilation and corporal punishment.

To the opposition, when we speak about “rights”, we mean, for the most part, civil liberties of the individual: right to due process, freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, rule of law, freedom from torture. And these are the areas that the government has continuously dismissed by (a) categorically denying that they happen; (b) re-ordering their priorities as secondary to cultural and economic rights and (c) refusing access to any mandate-holder who wants to “come and see.” For example, the Special Rapporteur on Torture has been denied access since 2005.  Same with the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights.  Same with the Commission of Inquiry.  

This is the list of the 47 consolidated recommendations that the Government of Eritrea “noted” (rejected) in the last universal periodic review:

Will Argentina, Austria, Bahamas, Bangladesh, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Czech Republic, Denmark, Fiji, India, Italy, Togo, Uruguay prevail upon Bahrain, Eritrea, Philippines, Somalia, Saudi Arabia? I think that’s an easy call: yes. The same UPR will be produced. Will the government of Eritrea, now invited to the club, feel compelled to respond favorably to this engagement? Don’t hold your breath: it is not in its nature. If it is going to sign its death warrant, it wants to sign it very slowly. The difference is, whereas, in the past, its all-purpose reason for not treating its people humanely was the lack of demarcation and the state of war, now it is going to be lack of capacity, sanctions and the importance of “consolidating the peace.”

Still, despite the rogue states who don’t belong in such an esteemed club, the HRC is still a force for good.  At the very least, there will be one body that holds the Government of Eritrea accountable.  And thats one more than the accountability-tool the people have.

So, what’s happening in Ethiopia? In his report to the parliament, PM Abiy said that the 250 soldiers that came to meet him… well, it turns out that all the push-ups and smiles he had were disguising deep sorrow he was feeling as he had come to learn that some of them, without their knowledge, had been sent to kill him.  This would be the first African coup that doesn’t involve tanks and a move to take over the state television.  

Sharkando has a better plot line than this.

— Zena (@ZenaManbebiya) October 19, 2018

The celebrated Querro youth have taken the law into their own hands and told the Harer people that we will shut down your water supply coming from Oromia and if you want it restored, pay 100 million birr. (Maybe they had a pinkie on the corner of their mouth when they said, “100 million birr.”) Also, they said, while you are it, go back where you came from: to Turkey! Abiy had to dispatch soldiers….

Meanwhile, the newly empowered ethnic agitators continue to create multiple Badmes in Ethiopia (Badme = land not worth the gallons of blood spilled for it.) The Amhara instigate the Raya in Tigray; and the Tigrayans instigate the Qimant in Amhara. Tit, tat, counter tit, counter tat. And, by the time you read this, some other terrible thing may have happened that makes these two stories appear trivial.  

And Isaias Afwerki continues to make unannounced visits to Ethiopia. At some point, Ethiopians will wise up and learn that there is no country which is better off after the kiss of Isaias, whether that is Somalia or Sudan or Ethiopia. They can learn it now, or learn it later. But “the soldiers were coming to kill me” claim of Abiy Ahmed has all the whispers of Isaias Afwerki. Watch out, Big Neighbor.

So, you say, I know all this: TELL ME SOMETHING I DON’T KNOW. There are two people who appear to be very much aware and can give us some insights. One is Rene Lefort. The other is Tewodros Tsegaye the editor/publisher/voice of Reyot Magazine.

Rene Lefort says:

Abiy Ahmed has “made three mammoth strategic errors,” argues Rene Lefort in “Ethiopia: Climbing Mount Uncertainty.” They are (1) over-reliance on the power of his charisma; i.e. substituting the “Big Man” politics of Africa for institutions; (2) making decisions of huge consequences without carefully weighing the consequences; i.e., the journey is the destination type of thinking and (3) allying with anyone and anything as long as the anyone and anything is anti-TPLF.

As he did before the collapse of the TPLF as the core of the EPRDF, Rene Lefort now envisions four possible outcomes, which are worth quoting:

1. The risk of a progressive shift toward personal power, and thus a return to authoritarianism, but softer and less archaic than before, is frequently mentioned. This risk seems slim, at least in the short term. Supposing that this were his aim, it is nevertheless hard to seen how Abiy Ahmed could build a power base of personalities loyal to him first and foremost and numerous enough to fill all key positions required for authoritarian rule.

He must rely on the EPRDF. Reciprocally, his trans-ethnic popularity means that the Front is largely relying on him for the forthcoming elections. In this balanced deal, the space for personal ascent seems narrow.

2. The rapprochement between ODP and the TPLF, reinforced by the support of some Southerners, particularly the Sidama, and by the peripheral affiliated structures, would produce a leadership capable of getting the party-state machinery running again. Opinions are divided as to whether or not this option is possible.

One objection is that the EPRDF is simply beyond repair.

The Oromo nationalist forces are now convinced that Ethiopia’s destiny is in their hands. But are they capable of shouldering the necessary historical responsibility? In other words, can they overcome their historical, cultural, religious and material divisions? The different movements, or more precisely their different leaders – Merera Gudina and Bekele Gerba, Leenco Lata, Dawud Ibsa – have their respective sub-regional strongholds, not to mention Jawar Mohammed, who reaches a much more dispersed public.

The open conflict between ODP and the OLF over the latter’s disarmament, the “alleged operatives of the OLF” behind the grenade attack at the Abiy Ahmed meeting on June 23, are some cases in point. Dawud Ibsa went so far as to openly challenge the government: “no one will disarm, and no one is able to make [us] disarm.” To further complicate things, reliable sources in Mekelle report that discussions are under way between the “Tigrayan elite”, without further detail, and OLF. Despite being the pillar of the EPRDF, therefore, OPDO is unable to capitalize on all these Oromo forces.

Last but not least: how would ADP and NaMA react if they felt that the consolidation of the links between ODP and TPLF would result in the Amhara region being squeezed between Tigray and Oromia?

3. The nightmare scenario of an intensification and exacerbation of the “ethnic clashes” obsesses everybody. However, up to now at least, they have remained localized. Could they coalesce? The memory of the civil war of the 70s and 80s haunts the middle-aged generation. Young Oromo were accused of a pogrom against Southerners in Burayu, in the outskirts of Addis Ababa. Young Southerners in Arba Minch wanted to take revenge on the local Oromo. It was the middle-aged who managed to stop them. This kind of intervention is not unusual. It could be the ultimate lifeline for avoidance of a Yugoslavian scenario. It could be the ultimate lifeline for avoidance of a Yugoslavian scenario.

4. The fourth scenario would be a continuation of the present situation, come what may, until the next elections: limited unrest, a wavering leadership, an economy still making headway despite the uncertainties. Following elections, Ethiopia would face the challenge hitherto deferred: to build a coalition of ethnic parties strong enough to govern in a probably highly fragmented political landscape.

Tewodros Tsegaye Says:

Well, he says a lot. And he says it very well. And what he is saying is (a) a tyrant doesn’t emerge overnight; he becomes one over a long period and (b) Ethiopians, particularly Addis Abebans are asleep: they need to wake up and organize.

(We apologize that the show is introduced with a long and intolerable song by Tilahun Gesese)

The take-away of both thought leaders is that Ethiopia is in unchartered territory; that PM Abiy has to rely less on his charisma and smooth talk and more on institutions.

As happened in many countries which appeared to be coming at the seams, there is hunger for a “strong man” to rule with an iron hand “at least temporarily.”  The single lesson we can give our Ethiopian neighbors: that is a slippery slope and, before you know it, the “temporary” is the new normal.  Hold your leader accountable.  That means, sometimes, you have to say, “Sharknado has better plot line than this.”

The problem with Ethiopia is that of demographics.  No, not ethnic but age: it is made up of too many young people with too little to do.  So far, the elderly (shmagle) have been able to stop tragedies before they tilt to catastrophes.   In all the “let’s organize” call of Tewodros Tsegaye, one hopes he makes special appeal to the middle aged and the elderly.   They will have to continuously teach the young (whose head appears to be full of ideas of what it means to be Ethiopian) what it means to be human.   And that, by the way, is something Isaias Afwerki has no clue about.  

July 2012.

It had been 15 years since the Eritrean government suspended the people’s constitution; 12 years since the end of the war with Ethiopia; 11 years since its enforced disappearance policy extended to high-powered government officials (G-15); 10 years since the National Service was converted to indefinite conscription under the PR phrase of “Warsay Yeka’alo for National Development” with the attendant round-up of youth; 7 years since the Ethiopian elections resulted in Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki’s favorite party, Kinjit, losing (or having its victory stolen) sending him into inconsolable rage; 6 years since the Eritrea-Ethiopia proxy war in Somalia and Isaias’s subsequent gross miscalculation in backing Somali armed groups fighting the internationally-recognized government; 3 years since sanctions were imposed on Eritrea and a few months into another round stiffening them and, 6 months before there were would be another mutiny (Wedi Ali’s “Forto”) organized by soldiers fed up with the lawlessness of the Eritrean regime was attempted.

In Geneva, the Human Rights Council, at its 20th session, endorsed a resolution drafted by Djibouti, Nigeria and Somalia to name a Special Rapporteur (SR) on Human Rights in Eritrea. Since, six years later, the mandate of the Special Rapporteur is coming to an end at the end of this month, and since Eritrea’s ruling party and its cheerleaders are declaring yet another pyrrhic victory for it, let’s consider what was the basis for the HRC resolution and whether naming the SR was based on wrong information, falsehood and lies as the supporters of the government claim:

(a) … widespread and systematic violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms committed by the Eritrean authorities, including arbitrary and extrajudicial executions, enforced disappearances, systematic use of torture, arbitrary and incommunicado detention without recourse to justice, and detention in inhumane and degrading conditions;

(b) … severe restrictions on freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of information, freedom of thought, conscience and religion, and freedom of assembly and association, including the detention of journalists, human rights defenders, political reformists, religious leaders and practitioners;

(c) … forced conscription of citizens for indefinite periods of national service, which amounts to forced labour, the coercion of minors into the military and the mining industry, as well as the intimidation and detention of family members of those suspected of evading national service;

(d) … shoot-to-kill practice employed on the borders of Eritrea to stop Eritrean citizens seeking to flee their country, the cases of violence in the collection of the mandatory tax from the Eritrean diaspora, and various punishments, including the detention of Eritrean citizens who are forcibly repatriated.

Which parts of these claims were inaccurate, false or exaggerated?  There were, and there are, arbitrary and extrajudicial executions (definition:an arm of the State killing someone without due process); there was, and there is, enforced disappearance where thousands of people, including high-profile persons, are abducted by the State never to be heard of again. Same with torture, arbitrary and incommunicado detention, holding people in inhumane and degrading conditions, etc, etc.

Eritrea has become a very strange country, a place where the Ethiopian tanks killed and disabled in the liberation war are buried above ground, in its capital city, while those who disabled and killed these killer tanks, and the people whom they liberated, live underground in prisons, scattered throughout the country.

One can celebrate light, or one can celebrate the absence of a witness to darkness. For the latter (the regime and its supporters), there is more to celebrate than the end of the mandate of the SR on Human Rights. She has already shone light on the darkness and her reports are here for posterity. The advocates of darkness should celebrate all the other UN Procedures that the Eritrean regime has ignored: the Special Rapporteur on Torture and Other Cruel, Inhumane or Degrading Treatment or Punishment has been blocked for 13 years.  The same with the SR on Freedom of Religion or Belief; the same with the SR on Extrajudicial, Sum­mary or Arbitrary Exe­cu­tions; and the same with the SR on Freedom of Opi­nion and Expression.  These are more “victories” the government and its supporters can celebrate: escaping accountability.  

At the time the Human Rights Council was passing this resolution, it was, of course, influenced by the uptick in refugees and asylum-seekers to Europe. Between 2001 and 2011 (the last available UNHCR data at the time the HRC met), the overall number of Eritrean Persons of Concerns had declined from 368,832 to 266,572.  But, crucial to the Europeans, it had increased in Western Europe, Canada, US, New Zealand, Australia significantly:

For the next five years, the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights issued annual reports that essentially said that while the Eritrean regime continues to deny me access to Eritrea, I continue to hear the testimonies of Eritreans who have escaped its clutches and they continue to tell me that the same reasons you cited to name me as Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in the country continue to persist. In 2014, the Human Rights Council said that it was time to escalate and named a Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in Eritrea (CoI-E), a three-person panel that included the Special Rapporteur. In 2015, CoI-E reported (here) that the human rights situation in Eritrea was worse than we all thought; in 2016, they said it actually is at the level of crimes against humanity (here.)

And Eritreans continued to vote with their feet.  More surreal still, many of those leaving the country were the country’s liberators and their children.  To add to the culture of lies that permeate Eritrea, many of those who publicly tell the government to continue with its suicidal policies, have been sneaking out their own family members out of the country illegally.  Between 2011 and 2017, Eritrean exiles more than doubled from 266,572 to 564,631, with those in Western Europe, Canada, US and Australia more than tripling from 60,730 to 215,825.  If one assumes, as the Eritrean regime disclosed to the African Commission last year, that Eritrea’s resident population is 3.65 million, then Eritrea’s percentage of exiled to resident population is over 15%, stunning for a country not in a shooting war:

And, let’s remember, these are Eritreans who registered with UNHCR as refugees, asylum seekers, stateless persons and others of concern.   It does not include people who never registered with UNHCR either because they are enroute or because they reside in countries with no UNHCR presence (there are, for example, fewer than 400 Eritreans in Saudi Arabia that meet UNHCR criteria.) And, of course, anybody who has been to Sudan knows the UNHCR numbers vastly understate Eritrean exiles in Sudan.  

At this time, having concluded that it had applied all its leverage that would work with normal governments and there is nothing more it can do, the Human Rights Council decided that “engagement” is the way to go. More precisely, the US intervened to stop the referral of those whom the Commission of Inquiry listed in its exhibit of Suspects in Committing Crimes Against Humanity (which includes Isaias Afwerki) to the African Court or ICC for persecution. The calculus was based on US fear of a power vacuum in Eritrea. So now the buzzword is “engagement” and the Human Rights Council will have as new members the same Eritrean delegation that it told us, only two years ago, have committed crimes against humanity.

Meanwhile, the people continue to vote with their feet. Consider: there are more Eritreans in Germany, Sweden, Switzerland than there are in the largest Eritrean towns. There are more Eritreans in Sudan and Ethiopia than there are in Asmara. With the border now opening with Ethiopia, the exodus has not stopped: strange since we were told the reason people are leaving the country is because of the “no peace, no war” situation with Ethiopia.

Eritrea has become a very strange country, a place where the Ethiopian tanks killed and disabled in the liberation war are buried above ground, in its capital city, while those who disabled and killed these killer tanks, and the people whom they liberated, live underground in prisons, scattered throughout the country.  This essentially destroys entire families, creating ever more larger vulnerable societies living off the generosity of the remittances of other broken-up and exiled children.

Still, to believe in Eritrea is to believe in: 

ካብ ዘየሎ ትህልዊ
ከም ነጎዳ በርቂ
መሰስ ተብልዮ
ዝትቐብረ ሓቂ

ቦሎኽ እወ ትብሊ
ዘገርምዩ ናትኪ
በቲ ልሙድ ቅያ
ብልሓት ተፈጥሮኺ  – Abrar Osman/Zegerm

The crisis in Eritrea is that of leadership: at the government level, and at the opposition.  At some point, when Eritreans are done with their civil war (government vs people; opposition vs opposition), they will have a leader who will emerge out of nowhere.  In Tigrinya, the closest word for emergence is bolokh. Just like Abiy Ahmed did out of the Ethiopian political jungle.  If we are lucky, such a leader will make truth & reconciliation a priority. (Ethiopia decided to have reconciliation without truth.)  And when that happens, the reports of the Special Rapporteur and that of the Commission of Inquiry, will be some of the White Papers that the mediators will use for the Truth half of Truth & Reconciliation.  And for that, many of us are grateful for the work of the SR and the CoI.

4 questions, 80 minutes.  So, nothing has changed.  1:20 ratio. Stylistically.

Actually, substance-wise, everything changed: we have Isaiaism Sofware Upgrade: 2018 edition.  Those who gave up on the guy won’t even raise an eyebrow.  But those of you who have been sledgehammering us with Badme might want to pay attention. You don’t want to be accidentally ex-communicated.  

Comedy Central has a series called “Drunk History” (it’s exactly what it sounds like: history narrated by drunk people) and it’s the misfortune of Eritrea that it has “Isaias History”, and our miserable 28 years can only be narrated by the man who caused them.

In this version of history, everything bad that happened in Eritrea is the fault of ominous forces and everything good (?) that happened in Eritrea is to the credit of our enlightened government.

The Hanish (Yemen) Crisis of 1995? Caused by the US and its partners. Yeah. So what happened was, there was this border that was never argued about for decades and the instant Eritrea declares itself an independent country, the issue is just raised out of nowhere by these ominous forces because um they wanted to make sure Eritrea is…um, a client state. Yeah, that’s the ticket. Cause, effect.  But, professor professor? Yes, you in the back.  There was something new: Yemen was getting a Gulf State to build a resort at Hanish and an Italian company was planning to also build one in Dahlak and these feuding mega projects that went nowhere were the cause, we were told at the time.  In fact, this war, then called the “odd war” (because they were saving “senseless war” description for the subsequent war with Ethiopia) was also called “whore wars” by the Economist magazine.  Resort, casino, whores was the logic of that particularly cringe-worthy title.  It was the 90s: magazines could say that then. 

But no.  It was the US.  Not only was the war caused by the US, the decision of the International Court (which, of course, gave Eritrea far less than what the French mediators had offered prior to Isaias’s decision to go shooting) was also designed to create eternal conflict.  Why? Because it awarded Hanish Kebir to Yemen but allowed Eritrea to fish in its waters.  This was not an act of compromise but mischief   ንኻልእክን በልኦ ቲ ሽጣራ ገጢምናክን ኣለና   (Eritrea is run by the logic of deqi shuq Asmara)

But, Professor, Professor? Yes, you in the back again. Why were these ominous forces doing this in 1995 when, at the same time, they were praising the Eritrean government as Renaissance men and the hope of Africa etc? The historian doesn’t cover that (kids: that won’t be on the test so don’t ask.)

All you need to know is that what was true for the odd war with Yemen was true for the senseless war with Ethiopia: it was all instigated by the US according to Issu Version 3.0.  Why would the United States, which had excellent relationship with Eritrea and Ethiopia in 1998, trigger a war between them? It just did! Stop asking questions. The alternative is to say Isaias Afwerki caused it (as the Eritrea Ethiopia Claims Commission did) or, even worse, to accept that the Weyane had controlled Eritrea’s fate for the last 20 years, which would be very unacceptable to the pride of our historian.  It’s not the hotheadedness of Isaias and the malice of Meles.   It’s the US.  End of story; next question  

Now our historian knows that this narration would be hard to swallow which is why he continuously brings up World War II and the Cold War: are you saying the US is incapable of being unjust? Are you saying Eritrea was not the only European colony that was not given its independence? No? Then shut up and accept my narration.

Once you accept that, it’s easier to accept that the Eritrea-Ethiopia feud of 1998-2018 had little to do with borders, Badme or demarcation.  What? Sigh: pay attention kids.  This is why the professor spent 25 minutes of his 80 minute interview on this issue: it’s not about Badme or territorial integrity or borders.  It’s much bigger.

Pay attention.  Or at least those of you who want to vacation in Massawa with the Eritrean Navy. Effective immediately (hear ye, hear ye) to talk about Badme, territorial integrity, sovereignty, doesn’t make you a patriotic citizen but a traitor. At least a suspect.  You are not ለባም or ፈላጥ::  Neither wise nor knowledgeable.  And don’t go around telling people we can’t be naieve we have to learn from our past mistakes. If you do,  you are, and our historian is good at coining demeaning insults, a ፈሊጥ.  A fraud, a wanna-be.

Why? The most important thing in this new era (4th era or 3rd: he is not sure because he is making it up as he goes) is that there should be nothing, NOTHING at all, that introduces doubt or skepticism about the Eritrea-Ethiopia rapproachment.  Arguing about Badme, lines, fences, does that. We are trying to build confidence between the two parties here: so take your little worries about little dusty Badme somewhere else.

But isn’t this what the opposition has been saying for 14 years, you say. If you are smart, you won’t say that because your question introduces doubt and skepticism to the new rapproachment and takes us back to Era Three and we are now in Era Four. More crucially,  we are in transition stage of Era Four and in transition times people are given the benefit of the doubt. These are not good things to discuss if you love your country.

Fine. But can I at least curse Weyane: is that allowed? Yes! For now. You can also curse the US but be specific: three consecutive administrations of the US is what we want to hear: Clinton, Bush II and Obama

Ok I got it. Curse Weyane, and curse Clinton, Bush II, and Obama.  But I need more! Ok: you can also curse whoever are their conspirators and allied countries in Europe, think tanks and NGOs  

What do I praise? Ah, that’s the exciting part because I am not just taking away Badme as your lung; I am giving you something much bigger. We are now 350 million people. We stretch from South Sudan to Oman: we are the Nile Basin. We are the Horn of Africa. We are the Red Sea. And we are the Gulf. We are as big if not bigger than the population of Western Europe and the United States. Exciting, huh? Even more exciting, within one era (that’s our new favorite word) our population will double. And theirs won’t. And the resources we have? It’s massive.   ቀሊል ነገር ኣይኮነን::

And all that begins with perfecting Eritrea’s bilateral ደስደስ (elation) with Ethiopia. So no doubt-casting, skepticism-raising, no hateration,  holleration please: let’s get to percolating in this dancerie. We have a lot of catching up to make up for all our losses (hush: yes we lost) and we have to work 48 hours per day because VAT is not about value added tax but Value Added Time እየ ዝብሎ ኣነ and you should too if you know what’s good for you.  Of course there aren’t 48 hours in a day: what I mean by that is 1 hour in 2004 is valued at 2 hours in 2018.  So pay attention all of you Eritreans all six to eight million of you   (hush: so we said we are 3.65 million last year in our report to the African Commission when we wanted to inflate our GDP/capita) but our facts are adjustable in line with our goals. And also don’t say anything that casts doubt on the Eritrea Ethiopia rapproachment. It’s time for ርሱን ፍስሓ::

Everything is clear except for one.  What do we do with all the (insert appropriate adjective here: ወይጦ: ሽዩጣት: weaklings: off-position, traitors, etc)? The Eritreans who oppose the government of Isaias Afwerki?  The annoying ones who talk about rule of law, elections, democracy, justice, enforced disappearance, free press….you know: all the stuff Ethiopia’s PM Abiy Ahmed talks about? 

Here, the historian is unclear. He tells his soldiers to ignore us, but to also challenge us, but not in a way that gives us stature we don’t have.  So, more insults is the way to go, I am guessing.  

Well, I don’t want to get in the way of this United States of Nile Basin, Red Sea, HoA & Gulf but of course it’s all going to collapse.   Because it has no shared values; it is mostly presided over by people who are not elected by the people and, excepting for Ethiopia and Somalia, none of the other “leaders” of the countries in this 350 million block collection of misfits, treat their citizens with respect and dignity. It’s a coalition of bone-saw using hackers (Salman) people accused of crimes against humanity (Al Beshir, Isaias, Salva Kiir) and police state runners (Sisi and the rest)

So, spoiler alert: the opposition will continue to oppose and, if we are smart, we will ally with the two hopefuls in this subcontinent of ancient people with ancient minds: Abiy Ahmed and Mohammed Formajjio. We will continue to speak up for our prisoners, our disappeared, our youth sentenced to indefinite military service, our exiled, our people who live in fear of the government. Because, at the rate of Isaias misgovernance, we have become the overwhelming majority.  The fact that we don’t own the State TV where two terrified reporters (definitely part of our constituency) interview us and get alternative voice to that given by the warped historian changes nothing.  

The history of President Isaias Afwerki is the history of poor decisions and poor results.  Eritrea under his presidency has exiled 500,000 people to add to the 1,000,000 already exiled during the 30-year war of independence.  It has participated in 3-publicly known wars (with Yemen, Ethiopia and Djibouti) and 2 unknown wars (in Sudan and Congo.) It has poured millions from its meager resources to host Ethiopian armed opposition groups who had zero impact to the positive changes happening in Ethiopia.  It has poured millions more to Somalia only to acknowledge the internationally recognized government. It got the country sanctioned only to turn around and do everything that it was told to do to avoid sanctions: stop funding and providing political support to Somalia armed groups, recognize the Somalia government,  recognize and mediate your conflict with Djibouti, and talk to the Monitoring Group.  It has destroyed the country’s basic services (water, electricity), destroyed the banking system, destroyed the private sector, and worst of all, made nationalism synonymous with cruelty and harshness.  

No narration or re-narration of Isaias Afwerki, no new patches or versions can change this reality.  Whether he knows it or not, his constant blaming of others for Eritrea’s failures is an admission that he was and is an inept executive. And, therefore, he must go.  

In 1990, after the liberation of Massawa and on the eve of Eritrea’s independence, the following individuals met in Nakfa to strategize about post-independent Eritrea’s economic policy:

1. Bitweded Abraha
2. Ogbe Abraha
3. Adhanom Ghebremariam
4. Estifanos Seyoum
5. Estifanos Afewerki (“Bruno”)
6. Ghebremicael Mengistu (Eritrean Relief Association)
7. Berhane Abrehe

I have chosen to begin this article about Berhane Abrehe’s book “Hagerey Ertra” with the above-listed seemingly-random information to tell you exactly where I am coming from. This article is not a book report, it is not a review: it is a perspective about the book. And right up front, I owe the readers disclosure about my bias and my focus: I am only interested in the “How To Rid Eritrea of Isaias Afwerki” manual portion of it. 

There are different perspectives. If you are, say, a veteran of the Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), you may have one perspective. If you are a supporter of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (or someone who eventually reconciled with the reality that it is the sole liberation front), you may have another. If you are a PFDJ-supporter, you may have another. If you are a post-PFDJ Eritrean, you may have another. If you don’t care about any of that at all and only consider removal of Isaias Afwerki from power as your sole priority, you will have another. If you are a TPLF-supporter, a Tigrayan Ethiopian or someone who is unwilling to consider the context of explicitly racist expressions, I doubt you will get past page 41: it is just too much to take for you.

So back to the attendants of the 1990 meeting in Nakfa. The individuals mentioned are, at least by Eritrean standards, among our most highly-educated potential technocrats. Let’s consider what has happened to them:

1. Bitweded Abraha: enforced disappearance since 1994 (24 years)
2. General Ogbe Abraha: one of only two four-star generals, enforced disappearance since 2001 and presumed dead in prison
3. Adhanom Ghebremariam: along with Ogbe Abraha, one of the G-15: exiled since 2001;
4. Estifanos Seyoum: along with Ogbe and Adhanom, one of the G-15; disappeared since 2001;
5. Estifanos Afewerki (“Bruno”): Eritrea’s ambassador to Japan. Formerly frozen, now essentially in exile (you can’t get further from Eritrea than Japan), trying to claw back to relevance by pledging daily allegiance to Isaias Afwerki and insulting his former comrades (in this case, former EPLF leader Ahmed Al-Keisi), in Twitter;

#Eritrea #Ethiopia have their share of political parasites of the like of Ahmed Al-Keeisi who thrived on blood, sweat & tears of our people

— Ambassador Estifanos (@AmbassadorEstif) November 6, 2018

6. Ghebremichael Mengisu: former ambassador to Belgium, considered by many to be one of Eritrea’s brightest: frozen.
7. Berhane Abrehe: author of the book we are discussing, former Minister of Finance, abducted just months ago.

Here’s another context: he started writing the book in November 2012 and finalized it in January 2013. The author took it for publication and told the publisher in Asmara the write-up includes “a call for a change in the head of the government” which made it untouchable. While he was mulling on what to do next, the Lampedusa tragedy hit on October 3: over 360 Eritreans died when their boat capsized a kilometer from the port and (a) the Eritrean government referred to them as illegal migrants of African origin; (b) blamed the United States for their death; (c) made no effort to intern their bodies to Eritrea despite its promise to do so. This tragedy, which awakened even many of the permanently comatose, appears to have been a great push for the publication of the book, specially considering that the author, as member of Cabinet of Ministers, had proposed (and been rudely rejected by Isaias Afwerki) that the government convene a special meeting just to deal with the exodus of Eritreans.

Another context: in 2013, the Eritrea-Ethiopia border issue had been held hostage by Ethiopia (read: EPRDF. Re-read: TPLF) for nine years. Eritrea had been sanctioned for 4 years.

Now, to the ugly part. Where you and I might define Government of Ethiopia 2013 as TPLF-dominated EPRDF, Berhane Abrehe goes further: Tigrayans. Having concluded that Tigrayans collectively are responsible for Eritreans’ misery, he goes back to history and assigns guilt to all of them not just for the 2010s, but also the 2000s, the 1990s, 80s, 70s, 60s, 50s, 40s… In several places in the book, he says “Tigrayans” (not Tigray elite or politicians, but Tigrayans), defining them as inherently wicked and untrustworthy whose evil is hard to forgive. Sometimes, he resorts to PFDJ-era definition of TPLF as dominated by Adwa, Shre, Aksum, Agame (A.Sh.A.A.) and condemns people from those areas (listing the worst of the worst of TPLF: Abbay Tsehye, Siye Abraha, Gebru Asra)but then just as quickly he goes back to blanket accusation of the whole region. He even mocks their dialect.

One is mystified by this since he is a veteran of the EPLF and the organization went to great extent to present itself as a progressive organization, a Marxist one which had solidarity with all poor and oppressed people and you can’t get poorer and more oppressed than Tigrayans. The quickest explanation is that the book suffers from being self-edited: to paraphrase an expression used for lawyers, a writer who edits his own book has a fool for an editor. But just when you think that, Berhane Abrehe appears to have already predicted we would say that and classifies those of us who oppose this type of blanket condemnation into four categories: (1) Ethio-Eritreans; (2) those whose interests are tied with Ethiopia; (3) Ethiopian secret agents; (4) educated Diaspora-dwellers who take pride in their rational and unemotional worldview. He doesn’t mean the last one as a compliment.

So, I think he is an Eritrean Trump: a nationalist.  Someone who thinks political correctness has clouded our reasoning. And in an amazing coincidence, his book was published just around the time Isaias Afwerki was giving all the hyper-nationalists, birthers and nativists every reason to have their views legitimized.  And if you don’t like that, well, he was willing to go to prison for his beliefs: what did you do for yours? So, let’s at least respect that part of him even if we disagree with his archaic worldview.

Isaias Afwerki features very prominently in Berhane Abrehe’s book. Remember the four categories of Eritreans who oppose blanket condemnation of Tigrayans? Isaias Afwerki fits three: an Ethio-Eritrean whose interests are tied with Ethiopia who happens to be a secret agent. Some of the adjectives used to describe Isaias include ምሒር ህልከኛ (belligerent); ከዳዕ (traitor); ሰርሳሪ (unscrupulous); ሓውሲ ኢትዮፕያዊ (semi Ethiopian); ሰላዪ (spy); ዘራጊቶ (tornado.)

Now, remember how I said, “if you have ELF background, you will have one perspective”? Well, to an ELF-veteran these adjectives are all in the “tell me something I don’t know” category. Per ELF, Isaias Afwerki was a spy recruited by Ethiopia, who was working closely with Asrate Kassa and his deputy Tesfahannes Berhe, with a single mission: to work from within to frustrate the Eritrean armed struggle. This was later corroborated in a book where the author, previous administrator of Dekemhare, said that he facilitated meetings between Isaias Afwerki (then based in nearby Ala) and Asrate Kassa at American military station “Kagnew” in Asmara. The author surrendered to Ethiopia and, in post-Mengistu Ethiopia (the EPLF-TPLF honeymoon), he was assassinated in Addis Abeba.

So, an ELF-er would say, “what took you so long? And do you think you contributed in empowering this Zeragito/spy/traitor?”

Berhane doesn’t directly answer that. In his worldview: the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) was a politico-military organization which had a culture of order-givers, orders-takers. Thus, it cannot be faulted for not nurturing democratic ideals or inquisitive minds.   Most hyper-nationalists are suspicious of the educated class, but not Berhane Abrehe.  Himself part of Eritrea’s educated elite (graduate of University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign) he says the Eritrean revolution owes a huge debt of gratitude to its intellectuals who were critical in transforming the people into politically-conscious unrelenting fighters for a cause.

Moreover, according to Berhane Abrehe, Isaias Afwerki did not assume power until 1987. From 1970 to 1987, it was Ramadan Mohammed Nur who was the Secretary General of EPLF. Isaias was the number 2. Then, just before the 1987 congress, it was some members of the EPLF politburo (whom he won’t mention because they are exiled and/or in prison) who organized a coup and all Ramadan said, in the interest of protecting the Front, was “you are making a mistake.” The 1987 EPLF congress also eliminated the deputy Secretary General post, beginning the consolidation of power in Isaias Afwerki.

Berhane sees both as mistakes. But, in his mind, it was an election for a 5 year-term and Isaias was going to be removed from power in 1992 anyway. But then, there was that preparation for referendum and his term was extended for another 5 years (1997), and then, Isaias triggered the war to avoid an election (1997-2002), and then the “thorns” (Ethiopians) and imperialists (Americans) colluded to delay implementation of the border ruling as well as imposing sanctions to render null-and-void the 2002-2007, 2007-2012, and 2012-2017 elections. It is not just the fault of the Ethiopians and the Americans, he says: those who were sworn to protect the constitution and the country, the military leaders, got corrupted–government provided cars and housing, government provided groceries, opportunities to be entrepreneurs benefiting of the unpaid labor. They were part of the coup d’etat that was performed in 2003 to entrench Isaias Afwerki. (He doesn’t spare his colleagues and their role in creating a monster.) In essence, Isaias Afwerki is an illegitimate president who is governing without a mandate for the past 21 years.

Since his unilateral dissolution of the constitution and unilateral dismissal of the Eritrean Assembly is arbitrary, capricious and illegal the way forward is the law. Change must be done peacefully with no or minimal clash. And how does that work?

Step 1: A 7-9 member Political Power Transfer Coordinating Committee is instituted. This body (whose Tigrinya initials are ኮኣምፖስ) has the sole task of being a facilitation body. Reflecting Eritrea’s diversity, it is made up of civilians and military who know the country’s make up, security, economy, society, law, national defense. “For obvious reasons”, he says, “it will be constituted secretly.”

Step 2: The 150-member Eritrean National Assembly which was made up of 75 PFDJ Central Committee and 75 public-elected members and which hasn’t met since 2002 convenes in Asmara. Those who are alive including those in prison (for details see below) should all convene in Asmara.  With its chairman under arrest (see below) and since it doesn’t have a speaker or a vice chair, there will be a problem having a chair.  Berhane Abrehe recommends either Ramadan Mohammed Nur (for being a founding father) or Ahmed Baduri (for having intricate knowledge of how legislative bodies work) as chairs.This will be a transitional National Assembly until a permanent one is elected.

ኮኣምፖስ will give specific directives to different entities.

1. To Isaias Afwerki: Time is up. In the interest of national salvation and your personal security, you are going to be arrested and detained at Adi Halo immediately after your receipt of this notice. You are prevented from meeting with government officials, the military and your family as you await for decisions of the National Assembly.

2. To Cabinet of Ministers and Zonal Administrators: You know you are not capable for the job and you have not been advancing the people’s interest. Gather up all your employees and notify them that ኮኣምፖስ is in charge and elect your own transitional ኮኣምፖስ

3. To Leadership of PFDJ (Political, Economic, Culture, Organizational, Chairman): for your own safety, do not leave the country. The economic and cultural arms may resume their work but the political, organizational and chairman’s office are frozen. For the sake of national security and your own safety, please note that you are under surveillance.

4. To National Defense Forces: Most of you generals are semi-frozen, anyway, and your absence won’t be noted:  so just step aside. The commanders of the four commands, Airforce and Navy should appoint a committee chaired by Sebhat Ephrem and carry out their duties in protecting Eritrea’s sovereignty and refrain from intruding into civil affairs.

5. To the judiciary: Until the National Parliament issues new directives, continue to limp along. Release all those who have imprisoned without charges unconditionally. The sentences of the “Special Court” overseen by “Sheqa Isaias” are henceforth invalid.

6. To National Security Office: Immediately imprison Isaias Afwerki. All you department heads of the National Security office are also detained by your boss. All those who conduct legally-sanctioned functions should resume their work without violating the rights of a single individual. For his own security, immediately detain General Philipos Woldeyohannes. Moreover, for their own security, place under surveillance all government “journalists.”

7. To National Assembly Members: wherever you may be, including prison, return to Asmara immediately. Elect a chairman and lead. Please note all of you elderly are going to be replaced by the youth. Take immediate decision to release all political prisoners and to repatriate all exiled politicians.

8. To Eritrean Youth: Do not say, “I have no experience; I doubt I have the experience”: you will learn when you jump in: the mission will guide you. Build a just, peaceful, democratic prosperous Eritrea.

9. To Ministry of Information: Disseminate all information that is given to you by ኮኣምፖስ in all Eritrean languages.

10. To Religious Leaders: Relying on our rich history of tolerance, shepherd our people. Remember, we do not have a religious government. The government will not involve itself in your internal affairs.

Step 3: A New National Assembly, dominated by the youth, is constituted and the transitional national assembly is dissolved within 3-6 months. Members of the new national assembly are elected locally at their jurisdiction (regions and provinces). These elections (at least the first one) will not be based on political parties but individual elections (unaffiliated.) Berhane also envisions a country which has a president and a prime minister, but this would be subject to popular referendum.

Well, ok. So, why am I willing to overlook some of the hyper-nationalism and outright bigotry? Just because a doctor is eccentric doesn’t mean you don’t accept her diagnosis.  Also, because this aligns perfectly with the solution I have been proposing: democratic coup.   Except that Berhane’s is a lot more detailed.  It is really the most practical way to deliver change in Eritrea. There are two arguments one can make when demanding change: the government of Isaias Afwerki is immoral or the government of Isaias Afwerki is illegal. As we have seen over and over, the first argument has no teeth: which government is not guilty of immorality? And is that cause for changing it?  But the second one does: Eritrea has a ratified constitution and a National Assembly that one man, alone, has rendered useless. Therefore, he is breaking the law.  He conducted a coup d’etat.  Thus, we would be basing the law to reverse lawlessness and demand his removal.

The book has an entire chapter entitled corruption for those ገርሂ ልባ (innocents) who believe Isaias Afwerki is un-corrupt. This is because they have childish ( ቆልዓዊ, as Berhane calls it) understanding of what “corruption” entails. To them, if you don’t have villas in Europe and are not sending your children to elite universities in Europe or America, and your lifestyle is not defined by conspicuous consumption, why then you are clean and not corrupt. This view, propagated by NGOs and think tanks who are turned off by African leaders visible misbehavior, is partly to blame for the perception of Isaias Afwerki and his enables of being “un-corrupt.” But the worst kind of corruption is abuse of power and, in great detail, Berhane Abrehe shows how Isaias Afwerki corrupted the Ministry of Information, Construction Works, Trade & Industry, Social Services, Regional Administration (Zobatat), Finance (Monetary & Fiscal), Office of the President, and even the National Union of Eritrean Youth, National Union of Eritrean Women, National Union of Eritrean Workers (now renamed.)  He is entirely unforgiving of those who participated in the corruption.  Not surprisingly, he has one blind spot: himself.  

In every single case, when one looks at the “before” and “after” of every institution, Isaias was empowered and the institution was destroyed. If nothing else, Berhane Abrehe has filled out some of the gaps in our information (I wished he said more on what happened to the Nevsun revenues) and helps us connect the dots on the Eritrea he saw just before his arrest: the same Eritrea that Isaias Afwerki called “hopeless” before he discovered the magic of Ethiopia months ago.

In the end, all the things people find controversial in the book–is Isaias a spy? Is he Ethiopian? Were the sanctions an American conspiracy, is Ethiopia an eternal enemy, why did we give our embassy in the US to Ethiopia–are secondary to: is Isaias a legitimate president, elected by the people? No. Is he a good president and is Eritrea better off than when he assumed power? No. Can he be removed from power with minimal or no bloodshed? Yes.  How?  Here is how: it is time for Isaias Afwerki to go and it is time for a group of Eritreans, who are duty-bound by the constitution–the Eritrean National Assembly–to assume their rightful role and take back power snatched by a usurper and pass judgement on the tornado and his enablers.

Of all the proposals out there to rid Eritrea of Isaias Afwerki before he does even more damage to the country, what I call “democratic coup” and what Berhane Abrehe rightfully calls restoration of law and countering an Isaias stealth coup conducted in 2003, is the least disruptive and violent.  Sure it doesn’t solve all of Eritrea’s problems and it asks the people to have faith in people who are products of the EPLF and PFDJ, but it is better idea than anything else out there.

Finally, because I was an early exponent of the book, I think I have an obligation to say this: yes, I ordered my book online, yes, I received it on time, and no, I have no prior connection or relationship with Berhane Abrehe and, no, I don’t know why some of you have not received your copy.  Giving people the benefit of the doubt, I presume it is because it is a self-published book without a huge distribution network and those who were distributing it were rudely interrupted by zeragito by presenting them with a new priority: dealing with the tragedy of the arrest of a beloved family member: the author.  

The Eritrean government (which is to say: President Isaias Afwerki) is terrible at many things but it is great at weaving a narrative. Thus, to this day, many people, including many who consider themselves well-read, would say that the reason the UN imposed resolution 1907 on Eritrea in 2009 is because (a) it was fed false information about Eritrean support for Somalia’s Alshabab; (b) this information was later on found to be false; (c) but, at the insistence of Ethiopia, the US persisted in pushing sanctions because (d) it was aiming for regime change in Eritrea. Similarly, the reason the sanctions are lifted now is because the last hurdle, Ethiopian and US positions, had shifted due to (a) new government in Ethiopia and (b) new National Security Advisor in the USA and so it was no longer sustainable. Therefore, since the UN sanctions were unjust and unlawfully applied, Eritrea is owed some sort of restitution.

This narrative leaves out two major causes for the imposition of sanctions as they relate to Somalia and Djibouti. On (1) Somalia it was (a) Eritrea’s rejection of the internationally-recognized Djibouti Agreement to bring about stability in Somalia and (b) its violation of resolution 1844 (2008) which demanded of all member states to stop providing ANY support to Somali insurgents; and (c) violation of resolution 1853 (2008) in providing political, financial and logistical support to armed Somali groups. On (2) Djibouti, it was (a) Eritrea’s refusal to recognize its conflict with Djibouti, (b) its refusal to comply with Security Council resolution 1862 (2009) and redeploy its troops to status-quo-ante, and (c) its refusal to account for Djibouti prisoners of war.

1. SOMALIA.  Eritrea’s Rejection of the Djibouti Agreement: The Djibouti Agreement of June 9, 2008, was the impetus for a series of developments that challenged Al-Shabab and gave Somalia the current relatively-democratic premiership of Mohammed Formajio. The Government didn’t just reject it; it did it with its sanctimonious know-it-all attitude:

As my Government has underlined on many occasions, the highly complex and grave conflict in Somalia will not be resolved by arbitrary and ill-advised formulas that have no basis in international law and that do not reflect the wishes and sovereign political choices of the Somali people. “Transitional Governments” that are periodically hatched in non-inclusive incubators outside Somalia have never survived the test of time in the past years in spite of the huge military and financial support extended to them by their external sponsors. The illicit provision of arms associated with, and justified under, these acts have further added fuel to the simmering conflicts. (Permanent Representative of Eritrea to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council, 19 May 2009)

The sanctions on Eritrea were partly caused by this, as Resolution 1907 notes when it expressed “its grave concern at Eritrea’s rejection of the Djibouti Agreement, as noted in the letter of 19 May 2009.”

As any honest Eritrean will note, between 2006 and shortly after the sanctions, Eritrean state media, particularly Eri-TV, was dominated by news about Eritrean support for forces that were opposed to those who were reconciled with the Djibouti Agreement (TFG and ARS.)

The state website, shabait.com, had a steady diet of that as well. (See here, for example)

Not just state media, the Eritrean president took special delight in mocking the Djibouti Agreement calling it “a U.S.-inspired attempt to undermine a legitimate resistance movement.” In the same interview (May 13, 2008, i.e., two months after Al-Shabab was designated as terrorist organization by the US and UK), Isaias Afwerki all of a sudden discovered the merits of religion when he said that “There’s nothing wrong with adopting Islam as a solution, or Christianity for that matter.”   And then, there was this:

2. DJIBOUTI:  The authoritative IBRU described the sequence of events between Eritrea and Djibouti as follows: “In April 2008 Eritrean forces began entrenching positions along the unmarked boundary which Djibouti claimed were encroaching on its territory. Tensions escalated as Djibouti moved its troops closer to the Eritrean positions and skirmishes broke out in June 2008 killing at least 35. Several Western and Arab states along with the UN Security Council and the Arab League called on Eritrea to return its forces to their previous positions. Although there have been no reports of significant fighting since skirmishes ended in 2008, soldiers from both sides have remained in close proximity as Eritrea refused to abandon its forward positions until this recent move.” – IBRU, Center for Border Research, 10 June 2010.

Here’s what needs to be remembered. Between April 2008, when Djibouti first brought the matter to the attention of the international community, and June 2010, when Eritrea agreed to Qatari mediation, the Government of Eritrea repeatedly dismissed the build-up to the conflict, and the conflict itself as “fabrication.” Thus, since it was a “fabrication”, it could not re-deploy its troops when ordered to do so by a unanimous UN resolution which gave it 5 weeks to do so; it could not account for Djibouti POWs EVEN after some of them escaped and were interviewed by the Monitoring Group on Somalia and Eritrea (SEMG) (See here, page 70.) In fact, it wasn’t until March 2016 when it finally released Djibouti POWs and admitted that what it had dismissed as a “lie”–the report of the SEMG on the escaped prisoners was true.

In short, in 2016, the Government of Eritrea carried out what it was ordered to do in 2008: released Djibouti POWS.

This belligerence-masquerading-as-resilience has become the trademark of Eritrea’s ruling party. Here’s another example: the original sanctions of 2009 had very limited scope: arms embargo and targeted asset freeze and restriction of movement of government officials to be named later (they were never named.) Due to the government’s belligerence, they were strengthened in 2011 (13 in favor, 2 abstentions) with restrictions on the government’s ability to collect 2% Diaspora income tax and for companies to conduct due diligence on their investments to ensure that the proceeds do not end up with armed Somali groups. This is what people mean when they talk about “economic sanctions”: they didn’t hit until the second sanction.  These are sanctions the government brought upon itself either due to its belligerence or, equally likely, its desire to create a police state.

With the lifting of the sanctions imposed in 2009 (arms, travel, asset freeze) and 2011 (financial due diligence), does one really expect a massive cash infusion to Eritrea considering that, just a few months ago, the World Bank ranked Eritrea near the bottom of the list (besting only Somalia) in it “Doing Business 2018” (see page 11) list?

A final point here: a few months ago, the United States Assistant Secretary for African Affairs testified in congress In response to a direct question by Ranking Member of the subcommittee, Karen Bass as to whether he thinks Eritrea will reform the National Service, he had this to say about what he called a “fortress state”: that it is “critically important for Eritrea to do domestically what it is doing internationally” and “….that goes, for example, to the sanctions regime. Eritrea cannot assume, by saying wonderful things and opening good relations with the neighbors, that it will automatically lead to sanctions relief. There has to be concrete actions taken. And we, of course, will remain engaged that say things that will not be popular. But they have to be said.”

Apparently, they are not going to be said. The United States, which has a president who considers himself such a great negotiator that he wrote the book on it (The Art of the Deal), essentially threw away its sole leverage to, at the very least, advocate for its own citizens and employees who have been made to disappear since 2001.

What lessons has the Eritrean government and its supporters learned after they exiled 15% of our population? The Eritrean government’s “strategy” appears to have been to wait for things completely outside its control: to (a) wait for change to come to Ethiopia; (b) wait for change to come to the United States; (c) wait for the politics of the Arab Gulf to realign. And that is exactly what happened. Nobody who supports the government of Eritrea is saying, “this is no  way to run a country.” Instead, they are celebrating this as a spring forced by the spring-maker. Inspector Clouseau has solved a mystery and there is no lesson to learn from it, no reflection for what the government’s bumbling around for over a decade cost the Eritrean people. Would anyone be surprised if the president volunteered thousands of our youth to Somalia or Ethiopia for peacekeeping?  And would any of his supporters say, “hell, no!” or would they, as usual, fall in line?

The bottom line for Eritreans is: will this result in tangible changes in their lives? With the threat of Ethiopia gone, will the term of the National Service be limited to 18 months? Not according to President Isaias Afwerki’s last interview: this is the time to “double” our efforts. Will this bring about improvement in human rights? In 2003, President Isaias Afwerki told journalist Robert Kaplan two things. One: “You need outside powers to keep order here. It sounds colonialist, but I am only being realistic.” Two: “He indicated that he would be more likely to satisfy U.S. demands on human rights in the context of a growing military partnership, but would not do so if merely hectored by the State Department.” Well, mission one is accomplished: there sure are a lot of “outside powers here”: Ethiopia, Saudi Arabia, and UAE. As for the second, well, in the Trump Administration, the US doesn’t appear to be too much concerned about human rights so there is nobody to hector him.

In any event, those of you who like to be “with the winners”, are welcome to leave the justice league, if you ever were with it.  Those of you who were using Badme, sanctions as reasons to close your eyes and shut your mouth, now have no excuses.  Well, you will probably come up with one.   Those of us who call for unconditional improvement in human rights in Eritrea were not doing it because of this government in Ethiopia, that government in the US, or the other monarchy in Saudi Arabia or UAE. We do it because it is the right thing to do. No doubt, we have even fewer allies now. But we must persist because it is the right thing to do and thousands of our compatriots, in uncountable dungeons, muzzled, disappeared, killed, raped, sodomized, enslaved, exiled, are counting on us to do so! Notwithstanding how many times the Ethiopian PM looks at Isaias admiringly, no matter how many times Ethiopians cheer him, regardless how many times his fans hold his picture high, the fact remains that Isaias Afwerki and his flunkies stand credibly accused of committing crimes against humanity against Eritreans.   We, too, have a great and substantiated narrative and we will never forget that and there will be accountability. And we will fight for it, against all odds.    

If your issue with the Government of Eritrea was the price of commodities in Eritrea, I have great news for you.

A quintal of taff which used to sell for 12,000 now goes for 1,200. Bleached flour (Fino) declined from 1,200 to 600. A kilo of sugar? From 60 to 35; tomatoes from 40 (per kilo) to 5. Powdered milk (“Nido”) from 1,500 nakfa to 400. It is the same for all grains and staples: the Eritrean people are well-fed and burping and with non-stop electricity, they can even see themselves burping (they can’t wash it down with water, yet, but Adi Halo is coming.) This is the peace dividend you were promised and it is here.

So, if your major issue with the Isaias regime was that it had made life for Eritreans unbearable to the point of starvation and you were either opposing it or thinking of opposing it, now is a good time for you to align yourself. ተሰራዕ! Depending on the severity of your criticism of the government (and whether there were any witnesses to your sacrilege), you may not even have to write a Remorse Letter expressing your contrition for your lack of resolve during the trying years ( all caused by Weyane and America) and begging forgiveness from the “people and government” of Eritrea and vowing to accept whatever form of punishment you are deserving for your subversion.

One SURE way to demonstrate your remorse is to attack Weyane, America and the Eritrean opposition. And when you attack them, you must use the greatest hits (Top 20) from the Isaias Afwerki Adjectives for Opposition including ከዳዓት፥ ላሓስቲ ብያቲ፥ ሽዩጣት፤ ጂሃዳውያን፤ ውዱቓት፤ ትሩፋት፤ጠፋሻት, while ensuring to mention Weyane and tanks as often as possible. I know some of you think I am saying this to be funny, but no: Eritrea is a small country, and way too many of our people are exiled, and those of you who fit this category of opposition: it is best that you follow my advice and reconcile yourself with the government. I mean, it is not that you are doing anything helpful to the opposition ( you are quite destructive, actually) and nobody should blame you for following through with what you believe: the heart wants what it wants.

Haile Selasse I government had what we called “militia srnay” ( militia whose compensation was wheat) and it appears that the Isaias Afwerki government has “militia taff”: people who are paid off by knowledge of affordable grain.   It’s time for Militia Taff to stop straddling the fence and just go home.  Just go home, stand up, salute the flag and get all teary-eyed about how the resolve of the people and the government defeated a world conspiracy.  That’s some good stuff.  

Moreover, you do not have to be embarrassed for being a member of Militia Taff! According to a recent survey of 34 countries by Afro Barometer, the following is the order of priorities for Africans:

1. Decent work and economic growth (57%)
2. Ensuring everyone has enough to eat (31%)
3. Good health and well-being (27%)
4. Peace, justice and strong institutions (26%)
5. Clean water and sanitation (24%)
6. Industry, innovation and infrastructure (24%)
7. No poverty (22%)
8. Quality education (21%)
9. Affordable and clean energy (13%)
10. Reduced inequalities (2%)
11. Gender equality (1%)

So, there you have it. Now, human beings being human, it is likely that the Militia Taff might have remorse about their remorse once they learn that one of the reasons that the price of commodities has hit the floor is because Ethiopian merchants have bypassed the Eritrean businessmen and are selling their produces on the streets of Asmara. The Eritrean businessmen, whose money has been confiscated by the Eritrean government, are unable to import or buy wholesale and thus compete but who cares, right? Come on now, Militia Taff: your priority is that the people are getting cheap commodities. Sigh. I see you wobbling again. So here’s something that will make you guffaw and slap your knee: the merchants wrote a letter to President Isaias Afwerki to protest the unfair (damn! there is that word again) competition and he replied back, ” ዝበላዕክሞ ይኣኽለኩም!”: you have exploited the people long enough! President Isaias Afwerki has very strong opinions on what the price of commodities should be and he has expressed them so many times on TV (See below:)

Eritreans are aware about the prices of milk in #Eritrea & #Germay. Thank U DIA. It’s time for #IsaiasAfwerki to talk tomorrow about the prices of (Teff ጣፍ) after the opening of the border. How many pieces of #Ingera can someone make from(100 Kg of Teff)? #إريتريا#Ethiopia pic.twitter.com/bfB5nqTsQg

— Shewgi Ahmed (@shewgiMAhmed) November 2, 2018

There it is: I see you smiling and thinking ኣስሚዕዎም ወዲ ኣፎም (give it to them, Wedi Afom.) The prophet has spoken! So, don’t deny yourself: embrace the darkness. It is home for you.  Go home, suffer no more.

As to the rest of us of Eritreas who, like the “26 Percenter” Africans are moved primarily, first and foremost, by justice, well. We got some work to do. For us, nothing has changed really because we didn’t start opposing the government because it was starving the people. We opposed it because it is hard-wired to be an unjust system, has committed crimes upon the Eritrean people, crimes so heinous that they have been chronicled in testimonies and are archived, somewhere by the UN, for a future government to use them as a basis for Truth and Reconciliation. Furthermore, because the criminals who committed these heinous crimes are still in charge and at large, we consider it an act of betrayal of treasonous proportions to ignore the suffering of our disappeared, imprisoned, raped and exiled population to celebrate the fact that taff is now selling at 1,200/quintal. Fuck taff.

But we have to have a plan. A policy. A program.

If you are a Ghedli-romantic like me, you know Ghedli began everything by identifying enemies and friends. I have been in the US for so long I am uncomfortable with the word “enemies” so let’s call it “adversaries”; and I have been in politics for so long I know there are no friends so let’s call it “allies.” Adversaries and allies.

Who are our adversaries? They are people, organizations and governments who rationalize injustice and violation of civil liberties. Our adversaries do not respect Eritrea’s right to self-government, as we define it: a democratic government where the people are sovereign. Our adversaries do not respect that Eritrea, formed in 1890, was formed whole with clearly defined political boundaries, and a demography that was instantly Eritrean in 1890. Our demography includes Muslims and Christians in 50-50 split and anyone who wants to dilute, change that, regardless of their agenda, is an adversary. It is made up of lowland and highland. It is made up of people who speak 9 distinct languages, but they don’t define who they are by the language they speak. Our adversaries include imperialists, white and black, who justify encroachment and annexation using God of the holy books and gods of Machiavelli. Our adversaries are the promoters of PFDJism, a warped history of Eritrea, its armed struggle, its heroes and villains. Our adversaries use 1,000 reasons to refuse to speak up for civil liberties, massive violation of the rights of children, adults and old people in Eritrea.  

Who are our allies? Our allies are all organizations, political and civil society, who believe that governments can only govern with the consent of the governed. They are religious organizations who advocate for religious freedom. They are journalists who advocate freedom of information. They are women’s advocacy groups who demand equality for women. They are military veteran groups who demand respect for military veterans. They are educators who advocate value of education in promoting justice. They are doctors who want to rid our people of diseases. They are economists who want to promote development. They are lawyers who want to protect rights. They are farmers who want to own their land. They are merchants who want respect for property rights. They are the military who want to pledge allegiance to a people’s constitution. They are refugees who want to be repatriated with dignity. They are soldiers who want to serve voluntarily. They are prison wardens who hate their jobs of imprisoning the innocent.  They are advocates of civil liberties and freedom, and they never, ever compromise that with pretenses of “national security”, “state of emergency” or whatever it is that Weyane and America did or didn’t do.  

We believe in justice, above all. Above sugar, above wheat, above powdered milk, above employment, above money, above jobs, above border demarcation, above “consolidating peace in Ethiopia”, whatever the hell that means. We believe in forming alliances with all justice and equality focused advocacy groups, wherever they are. We believe in accountability. We believe in truth and reconciliation. We believe that Eritrea’s 70-year long struggle was not to replace foreign tyrants with domestic tyrants but to self-government.

And one of the best ways to do that is to ensure that Militia Taff find their true home: in the bosom of the government. Please go home to the bosom of your PFDJ: you have confused the people enough.    The rest of us, we have work to do.  And it begins with, for God’s sake, finding our true allies in Eritrea and Ethiopia: women’s organization, journalists organization, workers union: civil society committed to democracy and justice.  That is, work around Abiy Ahmed who appears to be a prisoner of Isaias Afwerki.  

The author, an Ethiopian, is a very good friend.  Has been one for a dozen years.  And by “friend” of course I mean social media friend, not the kind you call to help you carry furniture when you are moving.  So, here’s his report about Eritrea which he compiled after going to the usual places.  

Compared to its fellow East African cities, Asmara has a lot it should be proud of and brag about. It also has plenty that it’s lacking.

Let me start with its biggest asset. Its people.

Many applauded and talked over and over about the cleanliness and orderliness of the city and give the government the credit for achieving that. Heck, even some writers strongly recommended that neighboring countries do whatever the Eritrean government is doing to keep Asmara clean and orderly. I beg to differ. It’s not the government that kept the city clean and orderly. It’s the people.

Asmarinos are incredibly disciplined in taking care of Asmara. They don’t litter. They have made cleanliness part of their culture. They actually care about what the city they live in should look like. As a matter of fact, the government doesn’t appear to care as much as the residents do. If it had, it would have fixed lots of potholes even on the main streets of the city. It would have done something about so many debilitated historical buildings. It would have made an appropriate use of the old cinemas, some of which are designated as UNESCO heritage, now falling to disrepair and relegated to screening English premier soccer matches.

I found Asmarinos to be worldly.  In certain ways, they are much more cosmopolitan than many of their counterparts in neighboring countries’ capital cities. They are very well informed of many things I never expected them to be. The way they carry themselves forces one to think what they would have become, if they were not chained by a cruel and unforgiving system. As young people these days would have said, they would be “off the chain”.  A caring system would have unleashed these folks and created such a force to be reckoned with.

Looking at and conversing with young Eritreans, one would not know that they live in a city where there is no ATM. A city whose banking system is so 90s, and a city that still has a working public phone booth. They know everything there is to know about modern technologies, services and gadgets that their government did not allow them to have or at best, exposed to them with a drip drip.  If only they were free to have an up to date banking system, a kind of internet service that at least matches the minimally decent or even really bad internet that some of their neighbors have, they would have been on top of everyone.

Asmarinos are polite, but they exude confidence. They are humble, but never display weakness. Even when it’s known the world over that things have not been dandy for them, they volunteer to show and inform their visitors the best that their country offers with genuine pride. If only their government understood that many countries in the neighborhood and beyond would have “killed” to have such “purposefully patriotic” citizens and stop making life difficult for them!

Almost all Asmarinos I have encountered are multilingual. Many of them, polyglot. It is not a big deal for an Asmarino to juggle Amharic, Arabic, English, some Italian, French in addition to a couple of local languages. When they speak to you in Amharic, they humbly would start by saying, “My Amharic is not that good”. Don’t be fooled. Most likely, it is really good. They just mean that “it is not perfect”. They make you feel at home with it. Can you imagine what they could have done with the tourism and commerce industry of their country if their government let them be what they can be? 

What a pity. Coulda, shoulda, woulda. 

In a couple of days, I will be back with more about Asmara, the city itself. 

This is a translation of a narration in Tigrinya which was made by one of the members of the 26th Round. All errors in translation are that of ED Editor. Special thanks to ED friend AZ for bringing this story to my attention.  When you read this story, remember it is that of  17-18 year old Eritrean kids. Then maybe you will understand why underage Eritreans are leaving Eritrea, now, post the peace agreement with Ethiopia: the predator is at home..

I begin by saluting my dear brothers and comrades of the 26th round, all of you who are disbursed all over the world, inside and outside Eritrea. And those of you who have passed on, I wish for your reception in the Creator’s heaven.  For as long as I live, you will be in my heart.

Followers of RBL TV Entertainment, how have you been? I am going to narrate the problems and hardships encountered by members of the 25th and 26th round.  I know that the military life for some is even worse; but because I can narrate on what I experienced, I kindly invite you to follow what I am about to tell you. 

Author: Musael Temesghen
and narrator: Yohannes Ahferom (“Fabrigas”)

In 2012-2013, as is common for all Eritreans, nearly 17,000 Eritreans flocked to Sawa. All youth, including me, were happy to be in Sawa because one gets to meet youth from all Eritrean towns.  Sawa taught us many good things: social life, love, egalitarianism without distinction of rich or poor, all living in mutual respect, all living like they came out of one womb.  In short, for us who were in the 26th round, Sawa is Love.  But the atrocities at Sawa are also uncountable.   

Above all, what is most loathsome about Sawa is that you are not able to express how you feel; sometimes you get punished to the point you hate being created  That feeling of hopelessness to the point you fail to understand your school lessons; being physically sick with no quick remedy.  Sometimes, with regards to some members: you ask, “are they children of man?” 

Some of the forms of punishment, from my recollection:

*  Collect 500 live ants;
*  Bring me 1,000 grains of rock in five minutes;
* Clean an entire bathroom;
* For half an hour, stand barefoot, in the pavement;
* Transfer water from a big container to another: one mouthful at a time;

It is a lot.  A lot.  I invite you to list it in the comments section.

In any event, the positive side of Sawa is during school.  That’s where you declare your independence; get introduced to females; meet your compatriots; console your sisters who have given up on school; visit the ailing; cooperate with classmates.  Wow, wow! School time is very, very sweet.  You establish good friendships with your classmates.  If you get a chance, you visit one another on Sundays.  I remember, when we visited the females, they would host us with cookies, date fruits and juices.  Similarly, when you visit the male dorms.  We had a very good time.  Some fell in love, some even got all the way to marriage.  For some, it is “Sawa Love Extends To Forto Sawa”: it ends after everyone mounts the truck taking them home.

It’s hard for me to explain Sawa Life.  What I have described is just a spoonful from the ocean.  And so, school was over and it was time to say goodbye to the females: as if we hadn’t come to despise Sawa and look forward to the end of the semester, when it came time to say goodbye, it was hard: we just couldn’t accept that we who lived as a family were being separated.  I didn’t know men could cry but, truly, we all cried: we exchanged phone numbers and we returned to our home towns.

After dispersing from Sawa, some of us, not all, met one another by phone.  About two weeks later, we were called to return to our schools at our hometowns to get our grades.  I went there.  I am not school-smart.  And I didn’t get [matriculation exam] passing grades.    Upon hearing the results, some were happy, and others were depressed.   Less than a month later, before we had time to fully enjoy the company of our families and siblings and neighborhood that we had missed and before a healthy glow had returned to our faces, we were told, “all of you from the 25th and 26th round who did not get passing grades [to attend university] now have an opportunity to attend vocational education at Sawa.”  Most of us grudgingly returned; but a few were unwilling to return.  

On our second return to Sawa, we were dispersed to four brigades in: Machinery,  Agriculture, Commando and Officers. From the beginning, the soldiers would make you wait two hours in the sun just to tell you what to do next.  It was all disorienting.  For two weeks, all we had was pasta fajioli. 

We returned to Sawa to attend vocational education.  What met us there was something else.  One day, they built stretchers, woke us in the morning and told us to get moving.  We were shocked.  But given their forked tongue, they told us this is just to get us to move around until school starts; besides, it is a requirement for military training.  What is most saddening is that those who had waivers and had physical ailments were forced to move with us.  None of the youth were composed.  After a few days, they called us out to a meeting.  When we went to the meeting, we were addressed by Wedi Memher, a Brigadier General.  After giving us his welcome and salutation, he proceeded to give us terrible news:  “The long march that was scheduled for the 5th Round will be initiated by you.  Beginning tomorrow morning, you will march to Afabet.  Everything is easy.  Our hope is on you.  Victory to the Masses!” he said, adjourned the meeting and leaving us there.  

The distress of the time, the cries of the time are a fact witnessed by the youth who were there.  This was above the expectation of the youth and they just couldn’t handle it.  What is most saddening is that night, many individuals whose whereabouts, whose fate–living or dead– I do not know, left in the direction of wherever their feet took them.  

And thus, beginning on Saturday, 12 October 2013 around 5:30 pm until Wednesday 6 November 2013, Round 26 and 25 marched from Sawa to Afabet.  A human, I am prone to making errors and if I err, I respectfully ask you to correct me in the comments section. 

First, from Sawa to Hawasheit, it is 32 kilometers.   This being our first one, it was very hard on us.  We traveled with shovels and stretchers.  We also carried water but we were not allowed to drink.  Many females were fatigued and started tumbling.  Boarding cars is not allowed: you had to carry them on a stretcher. Our legs swelled and we had blisters.  But what can we do?  It is “do as you are told or leave their realm.” When we reached Hawasheit, all were exhausted, but those who were relatively ok started preparing tea, some gathered woods, and some mixed flour with water to make bread. 

Early in the morning, before we had enough rest, they woke us up to make the next trek: from Hawasheit to Kerekebet: 42 kilometers.  Recalling the fatigue and illness is now very hard for me to explain.  Everybody stumbled along, hating being born.  Carrying what we had to carry, buttressing what we had to buttress, we arrived at Kerkebet.  After assessing our situation, they let us rest for three days in Kerkebet.  But Kerkebet was no relief: it left a stain that will never fade for life.     Specially in the 4th brigade, 2nd battalion, 1st company, it took the lives of two youth.  And this is how:

Kerekebt has a big lake, 17 kilometer in diameter.  Because they allowed us to swim in it, everyone, whether they could swim or not, started swimming.  To tell the truth, all of us were pleased because it was a relief from our fatigue.  Those of us who couldn’t swim stood waist-deep with the females; and those who could were diving from higher ground and summersaulting.  Meanwhile, because it was Eid Al Fater, a youth (I will withhold his name) called his family to say “Eid Mubarek” had a great conversation with them and went swimming but because he couldn’t swim, they found he had drowned and rushed him to the brigade clinic.  We were all sad.  We were shocked.  We screamed.  But those who were escorting us said, “Hurry up: ten of you, get a shovel and get moving: your comrade has been martyred.”

Death has become trivial.   Ten of us, and our shovels, were taken in a car.  At a small village, we dug a burial place but before we could finish digging,  we were ordered to dig a second one.  We were very shocked.  What is this? You die and get buried in a wasteland? That’s it? The second burial site is also for a member of the 25th Round, whose name I will also withhold.  We dug both holes.  We covered them with the shroud they had given us to shield us from the cold.  We, who don’t even amount to 20 individuals, buried them.  And returned back to join our units.

Part two continues   

Editor: Here’s what the government of Eritrea had to say about the 26th round.   And here’s their graduation.